I would bring my cross-talk style magic back in my well-timed return to this paper by throwing serious and cross-talk style questions to Kabataang Makabayan and Communist Party of the Philippines founding chairman and National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) chief political consultant Jose Ma. Sison (JMS).

JMS is also a professor of Political Thought, Duterte’s teacher in the subject. Analysts have been interviewed here and there on every turn in the news nowadays, but here is an interview with a political analyst who did not just go by the title for media interview credence—he is author to a most comprehensive analysis of the nature of Philippine society and the solution to root out society’s ills.

The primary topics that would be discussed are the following:

• The interesting aftermath of the 2016 Philippine national and local elections;
• the interesting national situation under the possible government of democratically-elected and first “leftist” President Rodrigo Duterte:
• the perspectives of the legal mass movement and progressive party-lists; and
• some primary possibilities for under the Duterte government.

Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte’s proclamation as democratically-elected president is seen by many as a sign of the public rejection and repudiation of the outgoing government of President Noynoy Aquino and its discredited ‘Daang Matuwid’. Duterte’s victory also sparked a general public optimism among the majority; many people are expecting the incoming Duterte government to make radical and sweeping changes happen in its first 100 days in power. That optimism was much higher than such optimism in the first 100 days of outgoing President Noynoy Aquino in power. But when would it really last?

Would President Rody Duterte, as he wants to be called by the people, bring swift changes to this nation for the benefit of the majority? Or would he only continue the same neoliberal economic policies that his predecessors had adopted for the benefit of the local ruling elite and big corporations? Would there be room for healing, national unity and peace in this nation under President Rody?

“Simple living, painstaking struggle,” this is how incoming Agrarian Reform Secretary Rafael “Ka Paeng” Mariano, described how he lived for the past 30 years before being selected by incoming President Rodrigo Duterte as head of the Agrarian Reform government agency. The incoming Secretary is a farmer, peasant leader and former legislator representing Anakpawis Party-list.

The Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) Secretary can issue orders, rules and regulations and other issuances to ensure the implementation of DAR’s mandate. The Department’s authority includes acquiring private agricultural lands and administer cultivable public domain for distribution to qualified farmers; issue emancipation patents to farmer beneficiaries; facilitate the compensation of landowners covered by the agrarian reform program; and approve or disapprove land conversion of agricultural lands into non-agricultural uses. The DAR Secretary is considered as the President’s alter-ego in the Agrarian Reform agency.

Poor peasant

Ka Paeng, as friends, comrades, colleagues fondly call the peasant leader, hails from a poor farming family in Quezon, Nueva Ecija. His family plants palay in a two-hectare land inside Rafael Escueda’s hacienda that was subjected to land reform under President Ferdinand Marcos’ Presidential Decree No. 27. Ironically, they still do not own the land they till due to failure to pay the amortization.

The 59-year old peasant leader recounted in an interview that his activism came from the worsening condition of his family and fellow farmers inside the hacienda.

“Our share with the landlord during harvest was 50-50 minus the expenses during planting season. But, we have no regular harvest. Our palay would be flooded during rainy seasons. During summer, there’s no water from the irrigation because we are at the end of the canal. At times when we can’t plant palay and when we don’t need that much water, the irrigation would flood our vegetables,” Ka Paeng narrated.

Peasant leader

While studying BS Agricultural Cooperative in Wesleyan University in Cabanatuan City, Ka Paeng’s father Narciso got sick for which he dropped out of college and took up the responsibility of working in their farm. He joined a local youth organization, Bisig ng Kabataan, in their village and eventually became active in organizing his fellow farmers. He was elected as Vice Chairman of the Alyansang Magbubukid ng Gitnang Luzon, a regional peasant alliance in Central Luzon.

The first protest he joined called for the lowering of prices of fertilizer and pesticides in at the Ministry of Agriculture in December 1981.

Ka Paeng was Secretary General of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP) in 1987, the same year when a 20,000-strong delegation of farmers gathered in Manila to demand for genuine agrarian reform that was promised by Corazon Aquino when she was sworn in as President during the People Power uprising. Government forces open fired at the protesters when they reached Mendiola bridge near the Malacañang Palace killing 13 farmers. An event that now we call Mendiola massacre.

Struggle from within

In 1993, Ka Paeng was faced with the struggle within the national leadership of KMP on how to treat the government’s agrarian reform program. He affirmed that the peasant movement should continue to rely on its collective action and should not collaborate with the state in implementing a bogus agrarian reform program.

“Ang pagtingin ko noon…ang lakas at pagkakaisa ng mga magsasaka ang magsusulong at magpapatupad ng akmang hakbang sa kanayunan ng tunay na reporma sa lupa. Hindi mo iaasa sa isang reaksyunaryong estado,” he said.

He faced another major struggle in 1998 when other members of KMP’s national leadership insisted on a different class analysis equating merchants and usurer to landlords as the peasant’s primary enemy. He asserted that big landlords are the peasants’ primary enemy and landlessness is the Philippines’ fundamental problem. He said that class analysis and identifying the fundamental problems of farmers should be clear to ensure the right direction of the peasant movement

Regional chapters of KMP had the same assertion as Ka Paeng. Eventually, other members of KMP’s national leadership was kicked out due to collaboration with the government and pushing for programs inimical to peasants’ interests.

According to Ka Paeng, these two major struggles in KMP strengthened his resolve to firmly hold on to his principles: to trust the masses by primarily relying on their strength brought by their collective and militant action.

The peasant leader’s contentions were affirmed when Corazon “Cory” Cojuangco-Aquino’s Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP), which was implemented in 1988, failed to address the country’s agrarian reform problem given its loopholes that favor big landowners. Hacienda Luisita, which is controlled by Cojuangco-Aquino’s family, was covered by the agrarian reform program but farmworkers were tricked into opting for Stock Distribution Option (SDO) under CARP which retained the control of the Cojuangcos of the more than 6,500-hectare land.

At present, Ka Paeng is the Chairperson of KMP. He is also the President of Anakpawis Party-list.

Farmer turned legislator

After the successful run of Bayan Muna Partylist in the 2001 elections, Anakpawis Partylist was formed in 2002 to represent workers and peasants inside the Philippine government. In the 2004 elections, Anakpawis won two seats and Ka Paeng became the first ever farmer-turned-legislator. The other representative was labor leader Crispin “Ka Bel” Beltran.

In Congress, he pushed for the passage of the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (GARB) that aims to distribute land for free to farmer beneficiaries and provide adequate agricultural assistance. He authored and co-authored at total of 377 bills and 966 resolutions during his three-term stint in Congress.

In the 16^th Congress, GARB or House Bill No. 252 reached the committee-level hearings. The bill would be refiled in the next Congress.

He co-chaired the Agrarian Reform, Agriculture, and Food committees and became a member of several committees in the House of Representatives.

According to Ka Paeng, during his stint as a legislator, he affirmed the anti-peasant nature of Congress.

He recounted that the CARP extension with reform bill was railroaded in 2009 by the landlord-dominated House of Representatives.

“Gusto ko pang mag-interpellate noon bago pagbotohan ang panukalang batas ng extension ng CARP (Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program), pinigilan na ako kayo yung papel na hawak ko ibinato ko na sa loob ng plenary hall eh. Doon makikita mo talaga na hindi nila isusuko yung kanilang interes,” recalled Ka Paeng.

Simple living, painstaking struggle

As his term ended in 2013, he remained the poorest Congressman without any record of corruption within his nine years of service.

As KMP’s Chairperson, Ka Paeng is tasked with representing the peasant organization in activities and in the media.

Ka Paeng’s day starts with preparing his own coffee and breakfast while reading important documents or readings. When he arrives at the KMP national office, he would read the newspaper and listen to the radio or watch the news. Usually he would attend meetings or forums where he is invited to talk. If there are protests actions, he would attend them to represent KMP and speak during the program. If there are no activities outside the office, he would actively seek the media so the people can hear or read about his organization’s stand or clarifications on certain issues. Before going home in the evening, he would watch the news since he has no radio or TV in his house. His day never ends without him reading anything or discussing issues with the media or people.

Part of his tasks as KMP Chairperson is to visit peasant communities and KMP chapters all over the country for consultations and discussions. He shared that he listens carefully to what his fellow farmers have to say. He said that these discussions are his most important and lively activities.

Ka Paeng does his own laundry and irons out his barong even when he was still in Congress. He commutes everyday and maintains a simple and modest lifestyle.

Wide reader, sharp in statistics

Ka Paeng is very articulate when it comes to agrarian laws and cases. In an interview, he mentioned that he persevered in reading all the case files of Hacienda Luisita, Hacienda Looc, Hacienda Roxas, Araneta Estates and many more including important court decisions; laws and Supreme Court decisions about agrarian reform since Commonwealth up to present; and memorandum circulars issued by the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR).

During the interview, he showed all the books on the ‘Administrative Issuances and Pertinent Memorandum Circulars’ published by DAR and shared that he has read all of it. He said that he saw the need to review these books as the incoming DAR Secretary.

One striking trait of Ka Paeng is his sharp memory of statistics and numbers. He can recite from memory the number of land reform beneficiaries, how many of them have failed to pay amortization, how many hectares have been reportedly distributed and how many needs to be distributed. He can also remember all the House Bills they filed in Congress and Republic Acts and Presidential Decrees about agrarian reform and agriculture.

When asked how he developed his sharpness in statistics, he said he is not good in mathematics but his years in the peasant movement required him to translate statistics into simple terms to make them easier to understand by his fellow farmers.

First order of business as DAR Secretary

On his first day as DAR Secretary, Ka Paeng shared that his first order of business is to direct an inventory of all the land acquisitions to know the state of awarded lands all over the country, and this to ensure that farmer beneficiaries are secured in their awarded lands. He also wants to immediately review the ‘tambyolo’ land reform implemented by DAR in Hacienda Luisita that is controlled by the Cojuangcos.

In the absence of an Agrarian Reform Program for almost two years now, DAR cannot issue new Certificates of Land Ownership Awards (CLOAs) and Emancipation Patents (EPs) to farmer beneficiaries. Many CLOAs and EPs have been reportedly cancelled due to exemption and land use conversion. Congress failed to extend CARP with Extension and Reforms (CARPER) in 2014, leaving the country with fundamentally no land reform program for two years under the presidency of Benigno Aquino, son of Cory and criticized as “Haciendero president.”

Ka Paeng said that his advocacy for a Genuine Agrarian Reform Law would continue and he would support the refiling of the bill in the next Congress.

He also added that he would respect the rights of DAR employees and would support the DAR employees’ association’s Collective Negotiation Agreement (CNA) with the DAR management.

Addressing poverty

Ka Paeng sees his appointment to DAR as advantageous to the peace negotiations between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GPH) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). As DAR Secretary, he would be consulted by the GPH in drafting its version of the Comprehensive Agreement on Socio-Economic Reforms (CASER). Agrarian reform is one of the most important economic issues in the agreement. The socio-economic reforms are the next agenda in the talks.

But the peasant leader reiterated that the peasant movement should not be complacent even if he would be the DAR Secretary.

“Still, it is important for the Filipino peasantry to mainly rely on their organized strength and collective actions in asserting their rights to the land,” he said.

Asked if there would still be protests, a cliché question for him during these times, he answered: “Dapat nga ay salubungin sila ng mga opisyal at kawani ng DAR at tanungin kung ano po ba ang kalagayan ninyo? Ano po ba ang inyong mga suliranin sa inyong mga sinasakang lupa? Ano po ba ang aming maipaglilingkod at maaaring gawin.”

He said that with this kind of atmosphere, there would be a healthy relationship between the farmers and DAR officials and employees.

Big challenge, no compromise

Ka Paeng said there were no conditions when he was selected as DAR Secretary. He added that President-elect Rodrigo Duterte expects all his Cabinet members to do their job well. Either way, there would be no compromises when it comes to his principles and the interest of the masses.

The DAR post is a big challenge and a new battlefield for the Philippine Left according to the incoming Secretary. It is a challenge to prove that people from Left or National Democratic Movement can run a government that truly serves the interest of the people.

“It is my unwavering commitment to fulfill my part in the realization of the desire and aspiration of the landless Filipino peasants to emancipate themselves from the bondage of the soil they till through genuine agrarian reform,” Ka Paeng pledged.

Ngayong taon, sa loob ng maraming taong nakalipas, tila hindi masyadong tumatak ang pangyayari sa petsa Hulyo 4. May ribbon-cutting ba? May pinasinayaan bang marker? May bumisita bang upisyal ng gobyerno ng Estados Unidos (US)? Walang gaanong tumatak na pagdiriwang o pangyayari. Miminsan lang din yata ang ganoon, dahil tila nakalaan na ang petsa Hulyo 4 para sa pagdidiin ng pagkakaibigan ng Pilipinas at US, kung baka nga lang naman may makalimot sa inyo.

Babalikan ng lathalaing ito ang ilang mga saysay at petsa sa ating bayan hinggil sa relasyon ng US sa Pilipinas. Hindi madulas ang pagbabalik-aral at batik-batik ng mga panipi, pagsusubali, hibik at kirot, pero heto:

Tinataya ng mga aklat ng kasaysayan, gayundin ng mga babasahin sa internet, na naging direktang kolonya ng Estados Unidos (US) ang Pilipinas mula 1898. Disyembre 10, 1898 nang isinuko at ibinenta ng Espanya sa US ang Pilipinas, mula rin sa pagkatalo nito sa tatlong-buwang digmaang Kastila-Amerikano, sa halagang $ 20 milyon sa pamamagitan ng Treaty of Paris. Sa panahong iyon ay nasa bisperas na ng tagumpay ang dalawang-taong rebolusyong Pilipinong nagsimula noong 1896 at pinasimulan at pinamunuan ng Katipunan o KKK, ang Kaggalanggalangan Kataas-taasang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan. Nagdeklara ng kalayaan ang mga Pilipino sa pamumuno ng noo’y (at hanggang ngayo’y) kinikikilang ‘unang pangulo’ ng republika ng Pilipinas na Emilio Aguinaldo noong Hulyo 12, 1898. Hindi ito kinilala ng mga Kastila at Amerikano. Bago muling napayukod sa bagong mananakop ay dumaan sa dalawang yugto ng paglaban sa mga Amerikano ang mga Pilipinong naghahangad pa rin ng tunay na kalayaan o iyong kawalan ng dayuhang amo sa sariling bayan (sa tinatawag na digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano)—sa una sa kumbensyunal na labanan (1899) at sumunod sa pakikidigmang gerilya (1899-1902 kung sa pagsasaysay ng mga Amerikano o 1936 kung at marapat isama ang paglaban ng mga Moro sa mga Amerikano).

Hindi lang ang istoryador na si E. San Juan ang naghalintulad as pananakop ng Amerikano sa Pilipinas bilang isang genocide. Nariyan din sina Howard Zinn, Gabriel Kolko, at iba pang manunuri at manunulat. Marami ring manunulat, maging sa US, ang nahindik sa laganap na pagtortyur at pagpatay ng mga Amerikano sa mga Pilipino gaya ng kilalang awtor na si Mark Twain. Matapos ang labanan, tinatayang higit isang milyong Pilipino o aabot sa 1.5 milyon Pilipino ang namatay sa 6 milyong populasyon o ikaanim na bahagi ng populasyon, hindi pa kabilang ang libu-libong namatay na mga Moro sa Mindanao.Isang malaking kabalintunaang nasa pahinang Milestones ang digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano sa website ng Office of the Historian ng US, na maaaring tinutukoy ang pagkapanalo nila rito. At kung saan nakasaad din na nasa higit 200,000 sibilyan at sundalong Pilipino lamang ang namatay. Tugma itong mas maliit na bilang ng nasawi sa gera sa pinakapopular o pinasikat na akda hinggil sa pagpasok/panghihimasok ng US sa Pilipinas, ang In Our Image (1989) ni Stanley Karnow.

‘Ipinangakong muli ang napipintong kalayaan’ (diba’t parikala ang pariralang ito kaya’t may panipi) ng Pilipinas noong 1916, sa pamamagitan ng Jones Act at sa isang asambleyang kontrolado ng mga Amerikano. Pinalitan ng nagsasariling sampamahalaan (commonwealth) noong 1935 ang Insular Government of the Philippine Islands ng US (na may coat of arms na kawangis ng kasalukuyang logo ng Skyflakes, tanda lamang maaari ng tinagal-tagal ng Skyflakes sa merkado at maging ng kolonyal na mentalidad). Itinulak ng mga sumibol na teknokrata sa paghubog ng US ang ‘kalayaan’ ng Pilipinas sa gobyerno ng US. Ang misyong OsRox sa US noong 1932 ng tandem nina Sergio Osmeña at Manuel Roxas ay ‘humingi ng kalayaan’ sa US at naipasa ang Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act ng 1933 sa Kongreso ng US. Nakasaad sa Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act ang (1) pangako ng ‘paggawad ng kalayaan’ sa Pilipinas matapos ang 10 taon ngunit (2) magrereserba ng ilang baseng militar at nabal ng US sa Pilipinas, gayundin (3) ang pagpataw ng taripa at quota sa mga inaangkat ng Pilipinas. Ngunit ang bagong sibol na mga burukrata, mula sa linya ng mga ilustradong Pilipino sa panahon ng Kastila, ay nag-uungusan para bakasing ‘pamana nila ang kalayaan’ ng bansa. Tinutulan ng noo’y Pangulo ng Senado ng Pilipinas na si Manuel Quezon ang Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act at matapos ay naglunsad ng kanyang misyon tungong US at naipasa ang Tydings-McDuffie Act ng 1934 na may kahalintulad na laman sa hinalinhan nito. Bago pa man ‘kilalanin ng US ang kalayaan’, natiyak nang mananatiling nakaasa ang ekonomiya ng Pilipinas sa US sa pamamagitan ng Bell Trade Act ng 1946, kung saan ginawang kundisyon ng Kongreso ng US sa pagbibigay ng $ 800 milyon tulong sa pinsala ng Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig ang pagpapasa ng nasabing batas sa Kongreso ng Pilipinas. Dahil labag sa Konstitusyon ng Pilipinas 1935 ang ‘parity rights’ sa loob ng Bell Trade Act, kinailangan pang amyendahan ang Konstitusyon. Nakita na noon pa man ng mga kritiko na isang pagsuko sa pambansang soberanya ang Bell Trade Act, kaya’t sinundan ito ng mas maluwag na tratadong Laurel-Langley Agreement, kung saan hindi na kontrolado ng US ang exchange rate ng piso at nagbigay ng mas relatibong pantay na pribelehiyong parity, quota sa asukal, at pagbabawas ng quota at taripa sa mga produkto ng Pilipinas na iniluluwas sa US.

Matagal nang may kabig at suntok sa likod ng tanong na “tunay nga ba tayong malaya?” Dahil nga, kailan nga ba naman iginawad o kusang ibinigay ang kalayaan?

Mula 1946 hanggang 1964, ipinagdiriwang ng Pilipinas ang kanyang kalayaan sa petsa Hulyo 4, katulad ng petsa ng kalayaan ng US. Hulyo 4 ang itinakdang petsa ng paggawad ng kalayaan ng Pilipinas mula sa US sa Tydings-McDuffie Act. Agosto 1946, o isang buwan matapos ang huling paggunita sa Araw ng Kalayaan sa petsang Hulyo 4, binago ng noo’y pangulo ng bansa na si Diosdado Macapagal ang petsa nito sa Hulyo 12, 1898 o ang deklarasyon ng kalayaan ng Pilipinas mula sa Kastila sa pangungulo ni Aguinaldo. Nagkabisa ito sa pamamagitan ng Republic Act 4166. Hulyo 4 din ng taong 1902 nang nagproklama ang noo’y presidente ng US na si Theodore Roosevelt ng general amnesty at nagdeklarang tapos na ang digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano. Kinikilala at ginugunita na ngayon na Filipino-American Friendship Day ang Hulyo 4.

Mas malapit nga sigurong totoo, katutubo o lokal ang petsang Hulyo 12, 1898 kaysa sa Hulyo 4 ng anumang taong ginawa itong signipikante ng mga Amerikano sa ating bayan at buhay (gaya ng 1902, 1946, at iba pa). Pero maaaring hindi rin eksakto, lalo na sa mga nagsusulong sa pagkilala ng unang gobyerno sa Pilipinas ng mga Pilipino, bagamat sa loob ng rebolusyon, ay buhat ng serye ng mga pangyayaring itinatag ang KKK noong Hulyo 7 (araw ding hinuli at ipinatapon si Jose Rizal sa Dapitan), na nakapagtatag ng pambansang armadong puwersa, ginagabayan ng iisang nakatitik na batas at paniniwala gaya ng isang konstitusyon. At sa pagkilala sa mga ito masasabing ang araw ng kalayaan ng Pilipinas ay ang araw na pinunit ng mga Pilipino ang kanilang mga sedula, ang pagtatala at pagbubuwis sa kanila ng Kastilang mananakop, noong Agosto 24, 1896. Ang pagpunit ng sedula ay tanda rin ng pagtakwil sa gobyernong kolonyal, paglalantad ng Haring Bayang Katagalugan at pagbubuklod ng bansa sa isang armadong rebolusyong pagpapalaya.

Mas malapit nga sigurong totoo, katutubo o lokal ang petsang Hulyo 12, 1898 kaysa sa Hulyo 4, at ito rin ang mas maamong paggunita kaysa sa petsa Agosto 24 na rebolusyunaryong higit ang katangian, lalo’t habang ang taunang selebrasyon ng kalayaan ay nagsisilbing tabing lamang sa nagpapatuloy na pagkubabaw ng US sa bansa.

Hindi rin agad nawala ang pisikal na pamamalagi ng mga Amerikano sa Pilipinas matapos mang maibigay ang ating kalayaan. Buhat ng Military Bases Agreement ng 1947, nanatili ang mga baseng militar ng mga ‘Kano sa Clark Air Base hanggang 1991 at sa Subic Bay Naval Complex hanggang 1992. Bumoto ang Senado laban sa pag-ratipika sa bagong kasunduan sa baseng militar na “Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation” na sinusulong at pinagkasunduan ng noo’y presidente ng US na si George Bush at ng presidente ng Pilipinas na si Corazon Aquino. Malaganap noon ang mga kaso ng paglabag sa karapatang tao sa mga base ng ‘Kano at ang malawak na damdaming anti-US ng mamamayan. Noong nakaraang taon lamang ay nakipagkasundo ang noo’y pangulo na si Benigno Aquino III na magtayong muli na base sa Subic Bay, isang deep-water naval base.

Napawalang-bisa man ang tratado sa baseng militar ay nananatiling mahigpit ang kapit ng US sa Pilipinas. May bisa hanggang sa kasalukuyan ang Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT) ng 1951, na nagsasabing susuportahan ng isa’t isa ang bawat isa kapag may panlabas na puwersang umatake rito. Pinagtibay itong muli sa pagpirma ng dalawang bansa sa Manila Declaration noong Nobyembre 2011, 60 taon ang nakaraan. Ngunit sa ilang taong hinarap ng Pilipinas ang agresyon ng Tsina sa pagtatayo ng mga baseng militar sa mga dagat at islang sakop pa ng teritoryo natin, hindi nagbitiw ng depinidong salita ang US at presidente nitong si Barack Obama na dedepensahan ng US ang Pilipinas laban sa Tsina.

Hindi pa rin matagal na napaalis ang mga baseng militar ay muli nang nakabalik ang mga barkong pandigma at sundalong ‘Kano sa Pilipinas sa pamamagitan ng Visiting Forces Agreement ng 1998. Bagamat isang tratado, maraming hindi masasaklawan ng Pilipinas sa mga bibisitang puwersang ‘Kano, gaya ng inspeksyon sa barkong pandigma o custody ng mga sundalong ‘Kano sakaling may labagin silang batas ng Pilipinas. At iyon na nga ang nangyari sa kaso ng panggagahasa ng mga ‘Kano sa Pilipina na si Nicole noong 2006. At sa brutal na pagpatay ng isang ‘Kano sa isang transwoman na si Jennifer Laude noong 2014.

Higit pang pinalawig ang MDT sa pamamagitan ng Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, isang kasunduang pinirmahan ni Aquino at Obama noong 2014, na nagpapahintulot sa pagbabase ng mas maraming sundalong Amerikano saanmang baseng militar ng Pilipinas sa imbitasyon ng Pilipinas at pagtustos ng Pilipinas sa mga gastusin kaugnay nito.

Paano nga ba masasabing kooperasyon ang namamagitan sa dalawang hindi naman pantay ang kapangyarihan at pakinabang sa isa’t isa?

Maihahambing daw ang relasyon ng US sa Pilipinas bilang Special Relationship. Ang US daw ang pinakamalapit ng alyado ng Pilipinas sa mundo at Pilipinas naman ang ang pinakamatagal na partner ng US sa Asya. Paborito daw na bansa ng mga Pilipino ang US at isa na ang Pilipinas sa mga pinakapabor sa US sa buong mundo noong 2013-2015. ‘Di na rin mapapasubalian na nanunuot at kinukubabawan ng US ang kultura at buhay ng ating bansa. Kaya marami nang naipalunok na anestisya at gayuma sa mga henerasyon matapos ang simula ng pananakop ng US sa atin at maging sa patuloy na panghuhuthot sa bansa.

At bilang huling pagninilay, paano nga ba matatawag na kaibigan, kung lagi’t lagi sa loob ng sandaantaon, ang isa ay laging higit na nakalalamang? Nakapanyurak pa nga, hindi lang minsan. Kung sa isang pagbabalik-aral na puno ng hibik at kirot ay hindi natin maitatanggi, kahit pilit na binubura at binabaon sa limot, na ang noo’y manlulupig na pumatay sa ating lahi ay patuloy tayong nililinlang sa katuwiran ng mga salitang kaibigan at kalayaan.

The turn of events on the peace process was as quick as it has not been seen in a decade or so. President Rodrigo Duterte’s strong pronouncements for peace has even the public rather quiet or uninformed on the peace talks cheering this on, almost as they did his promise to end crime and the drug scourge.

As early as June or even before the president took his oath of office, preliminary talks were held between the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippine (NDFP), a far cry from what previous administrations have achieved. A joint statement was signed, containing the release of the consultants of the NDFP, recognition of previous signed agreements and resumption of formal talks in July. Peace talks were moved pending the release of jailed consultants, which the NDFP deemed as violations of the administrations before Duterte of the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG). In his first State of the Nation Address come July, Duterte declared a unilateral ceasefire. He vowed to achieve peace in his term.

But in a matter of five days, Duterte withdrew his unilateral ceasefire if the other party would not declare their own. This done, even if according to the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) said they had sent word that they would declare ceasefire in a few hours. In a matter of another few days, the president declared to end peace talks if the CPP’s New People’s Army (NPA) would continue to use landmines.

As the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP) Secretary Jesus Dureza has been recently heard repeatedly saying, the road to peace is bumpy.

Also, events in history and stories etched in memories or inked on paper tell that it has never been smooth. And truly, it has never really been quick.

The civil war in the Philippines

“There will be no need for peace negotiations if the armed struggle would stop. As far as the revolutionary movement is concerned, it [the armed struggle] is not the cause, it is a result of widespread poverty and oppression,” said CPP founder and NDFP Chief Political Consultant Jose Maria Sison in a Skype peace forum on August 6 in Quezon City.

The CPP with its political arm NDFP and its armed component the NPA have been waging a guerilla warfare in the countryside for 47 years now, if dating by the establishment of the NPA.

The CPP’s “people’s war,” a war that is said to be participated by the majority most downtrodden peasant class, traces itself to Andres Bonifacio and the Katipunan’s 1896 revolution against 300-year Spanish colonization. In history, it is known that said old revolution’s victory was snatched away by new superpower United States of America (US) colluding with losing Spain. In this day, the war is said to be against US hegemony and its local bureaucrat, landlord and big business collaborators.

The “Reds” as they are wont to be called, vowed to end poverty and injustice through its people’s war. “The years of injustice and poverty have pushed the people to fight, if not perish”, the dictum goes. These social issues are what are referred as “root causes of the armed struggle.”

Also alike the Katipunan, the CPP has its own form of government, justice system, armed forces and influence over areas it calls “red areas” on a nationwide scale, giving it the recognition of having established its own government in the Philippines, albeit a smaller or weaker one.

Even the more than 60-year old Universal Declaration of Human Rights provides a “basis” for the people’s “right to rebel”. It states in its preamble, “Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law…” a recognition that the people’s war might be the people’s last recourse to preserve life and dignity. This is only a little similar to what the CPP-NPA-NDF stands for in its “just war.”

Why there are peace talks between two parties

According to Rey Casambre of the Philippine Peace Center, “status of belligerency is achieved in the field, not on the negotiating table, when a force achieves requisites to wielding state power and other states acknowledge or recognize.”

The CPP started to sit down on the peace negotiating table when Corazon Aquino came to power after dictator Ferdinand Marcos was ousted by a People Power Revolution in 1986. There was a mutual ceasefire between Cory’s government and the CPP until state troops opened fire at protesting farmers in Mendiola killing 13, now the infamous Mendiola massacre of 1987.

Subsequent administrations followed suit in continuing the negotiations with the revolutionary movement, with varying results and successes, all putting to light or question a sincere move towards peace or towards eliminating the said root causes of the armed conflict.

At present, the Royal Norwegian Government serves as third-party facilitator for the peace negotiations between the GPH and NDFP.

But many times the GPH has resorted to cowing the NDFP to capitulation, even on the formal peace tables, the last of these attempts during the presidency of Benigno Aquino III when then GPH Panel Chair Alexander Padilla called the The Hague Joint Declaration of 1992 as “a document of perpetual division.”

The Joint Declaration that was signed on September 1, 1992 in The Hague, Netherlands laid down the framework of the peace negotiations that is mutually acceptable principles to both parties which are national sovereignty, democracy and social justice.

What do the Reds care for? The end of poverty and social injustice, they say. That is why they agreed to talk on these substantive agendas: human rights, social and economic reforms, political and constitutional reforms and then the end of hostilities and disposition of forces. As the government signed The Hague Declaration too, they must care for these and want to end poverty and social injustice as well.

In three decades of peace talks, negotiations on only one of the four substantive agendas have been completed. The Comprehensive Agreement for the Respect of International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) was signed in 1998. 

The talks have stalled in previous administrations because of GPH’s refusal to honor previously signed agreements.

“Even if the current talks are seemingly volatile, there is a much strong basis or foundation compared to the previous three administrations as now being validated by ongoing efforts to resume formal talks and release consultants in accordance with JASIG and for the NDFP consultants to be able to attend the Oslo talks,” said Casambre.

Ceasefire agreement as part of peace talks  

Sison said that if the NPA would lay down their arms, they will not be to further strengthen their forces and will not be able to fight for the oppressed people’s rights and interest.

A ceasefire, however, would not mean laying down of arms for the revolutionaries, particularly the NPA, but only a temporary suspension of military operations. The revolutionary movement has repeatedly said that laying down of arms is tantamount to surrendering and losing its negotiating power.

During the forum, NDFP Peace Panel Chair Luis Jalandoni said that the CPP and NDFP is open to the possibility of declaring ceasefire during the talks.

However, he said that “both parties should agree on the content of ceasefire declaration to avoid miscommunication.”

What went down the recent ceasefire hubbub? Duterte declared a unilateral ceasefire with the CPP-NPA-NDFP during his SONA on July 25. It was praised by many groups and welcomed by the NDFP in a statement a few hours after the declaration. The NDFP said that they will study the declaration as soon as they receive its text.

The Armed forces of the Philippines (AFP) issued its Suspension of Offensive Military Operations (SOMO) on July 26 and the Philippine National Police’s (PNP) Suspension of Offensive Police Operations (SOPO) on July 27.

“When we got the copy of the SOMO and SOPO we discussed it and had some objections and questions,” said Jalandoni.

He said that there was no clear declaration that the offensive operations in Lumad communities would be stopped and paramilitary groups will be disarmed, Civilian-Military Operations (CMO) in the guise of “Bayanihan” activities will continue, and legal offensives against revolutionary and legal personalities will be stopped.

However, an angry Duterte issued an ultimatum to the CPP to declare their own ceasefire until 5:00 p.m. of July 30 during his visit to a military camp in Asuncion, Davao del Norte and threatened to withdraw his unilateral ceasefire declaration. The ultimatum was prompted by an NPA action against military troops in Kapalong, Davao del Norte.

A few days earlier during Duterte’s visit to Camp Nakar in Lucena City, he demanded that the CPP explain the incident and threatened to withdraw his ceasefire declaration.

On July 27, the NPA undertook an ambuscade against Philippine Army’s 77^th Infantry Battalion, Civilian Auxilliary Force Geographical Unit (CAFGU) and Alamara paramilitary troops that were off to a military offensive operations in Sitio Muling, Brgy. Gupitan, Kapalong, Davao del Norte. An Alamara member, Panggong Bukad, was killed in the ambush and wounded four others.

The Philippine Army’s 10th Infantry Division, meanwhile, reported that “the CAAs [CAFGU Active Auxilliary] from 72nd Infantry Battalion under the operational control 60th Infantry Battalion were on their way back to their camp at Sitio Patil, Brgy Gupitan in compliance to the unilateral ceasefire declared by the President during his SONA last July 25.”

Human rights group Karapatan however confirmed that Bukad is an Alamara member.

“The AFP created groups like Alamara as force multipliers to wage war in a political and military way against the Lumad whom they perceive are sympathetic to the case of revolutionary movements such as the CPP,” said Karapatan Secretary General Cristina Palabay in a text message.

In a statement by the Comval North Davao South Agusan Sub-Regional Command of the NPA, Aris Francisco, the spokesperson of the NPA command said that, “the ambush was in adherence to the directive of the NPA National Operations Command for Red fighters to maintain on alert status and on active defense mode in response to President Rodrigo Duterte’s declared unilateral ceasefire.”

He further stated that “the AFP deceived its own Commander-in-Chief” by reporting that the troops were returning to their detachment in Sitio Patil, Brgy. Ginupitan from a Peace and Development Outreach Program. The NPA claimed that the military troops and Alamara have been conducting military offensives in Kapalong since July 5.

“We should not accept military reports on face value, these reports should be investigated,” Jalandoni stated.

Duterte withdrew his unilateral ceasefire declaration on July 30, a few hours before the CPP was supposed to issue their own ceasefire declaration.

Duterte no longer responded to the reports of the NDFP and the Mindanao command of the NPA on the incident.

Duterte is known to be no stranger to the NPA in Mindanao. The NPA has released its numerous prisoners-of-war to Duterte, then serving as Davao City Mayor, and the latest was when he was running for president in the May 2016 elections.

As agreed by both parties during the exploratory talks in Oslo, Norway last June 14-15, 2016, a mode on interim ceasefire would be discussed during the resumption of formal talks.

New Duterte ultimatum on landmines

In a speech addressed to military personnel in the the Naval Forces Eastern Mindanao, Panacan, Davao City on August 7, 2016 after visiting the wake of soldiers killed in an encounter with the NPA in Compostela Valley, Duterte issued another ultimatum to the CPP-NPA-NDFP.

“I am saying now: Stop the land mines, or you tell the leaders pati itong gobyerno ko, get out from the talks. Alam mo bakit? I am now invoking the Geneva Conventions. It is part of the international law, not only of the Philippines but around the world. Either you stop it or we stop talking,” Duterte demanded.

In a statement released August 8, the CPP said it “rejects the new ultimatum set by GRP President Duterte demanding an end to the NPA’s use of CDX landmines.” The CPP described such ultimatum as “a poorly-crafted deflectionary tactic” that Duterte might be using to put the blame on the NDFP for the repeated postponement of the peace talks.

“He would also succeed in proving that his government is indeed different from the past regime which only used the peace negotiations in the vain attempt to cause the surrender of the NPA,” also said the statement, referring to Duterte’s promise of releasing the NDFP political consultants and the political prisoners in the country.

The AFP has always claimed that the NPA violates international conventions because of the use of landmines whenever they suffer casualties from raids.

“For many years now, the AFP has repeatedly threatened to file charges against the NPA for violating international conventions over the use of CDX landmines. Until now, not one case has been filed. We challenge them to do so,” the CPP said in a statement. 

The Geneva Conventions, specifically the Protocol on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Mines, Booby-Traps and Other Devices signed in 1980, states that indiscriminate use of landmines are prohibited if it is not directed at military target, employs a method of delivery which cannot be directed at a specific military objective or which can cause injury or loss of civilian life and properties.

On the other hand, the Ottawa Convention of 1997 (Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their Destruction), emphasized the prohibition of anti-personnel mines. These are mines “designed to be exploded by the presence, proximity or contact of a person and that will incapacitate, injure or kill one or more persons.”

The convention further clarified that “mines designed to be detonated by the presence, proximity or contact of a vehicle as opposed to a person, that are equipped with anti-handling devices, are not considered antipersonnel mines as a result of being so equipped.”

In a statement, Jalandoni said that “the New People’s Army can use these weapons [CDX landmines] in its military operations inasmuch as there is yet no ceasefire of any kind which is valid and effective between the NPA and the AFP.”

People must push for peace talks

The CPP in its statement on landmines also said it “reiterates its support for peace talks” and again urged Duterte “to fulfill his promise to release all NDFP consultants in order to have them lend their expertise in scheduled negotiations and discussions on socio-economic reforms and political and constitutional reforms.”

Jalandoni reiterated that the NDFP is determined to work for a just and lasting peace and is looking forward to the resumption of the formal talks in Oslo, Norway this August 20-27.

Secretary Dureza has assured the public that the formal talks would resume as scheduled and political prisoners would be released.

Sharon Cabusao, a former political prisoner who was recently released, also present in the Skype peace forum, emphasized on the role of the people in the peace process.

“The path to peace is never an easy one, that is why it is our continuing duty to push for a just and lasting peace,” said former political prisoner Sharon Cabusao, during the peace forum.

Jalandoni concluded that the efforts of all peace loving organizations who wants to achieve a just and lasting peace and address the root cause of armed conflict have a task in organizing and mobilizing the people for the cause.

The first century once saw a man shake the foundations of religious belief and the dominant social order.  For questioning the teachings of the high church of the Pharisees and Sadducees at the time, the same man would end up persecuted, mocked, and nailed to a cross. He would one day be iconized in modern Judeo-Christian religion for countless generations as Jesus, or known to believers as the Son of God.

Jesus is only one of the numerous iconic victims of state fascism. For his opposing political and religious views, he later paid the price as the elites and the powerful church orders unleashed their vengeance.

But stories of repression aren’t mere tales shelved in history text books. To this day, countless persecutions abound and more evidently seen in the field of conflicting politics.

A history of repression of innovation, dissent

History apparently has stood witness to a longstanding culture of repression, one that persecuted revolutionary thinkers and movers.

Astronomer and physicist Galileo Galillei for instance was charged with heresay, and later on imprisoned for supporting the Copernican theory, the idea that the earth revolved around the sun, contrary to the dominant belief that planets including the sun revolved around the earth.

The great Albert Einstein himself, together with numerous intellectuals suffered persecution via burning of their treasured books because their ideas did not favor then German ruler Adolf Hitler who was bashing non-German intellectualism and Jewish ideas. Hitler and his Nazi army would suffer complete defeat from the people of the USSR despite many books failing to recognize this.

Religious and political figure Mahatma Gandhi was likewise sentenced to jail numerous times for his non-violent activism against social injustice, unjust taxation, and for boycotting the British socioeconomic dictates in India. The people rallied behind Gandhi’s ideas for these changes to happen in one of the most populous countries of the world, while the oppressors from the past to present now use Gandhi as a symbol of pacifism.

Political activist Nelson Mandela, on the other hand, faced lifetime imprisonment for opposing racial discrimination and apartheid in South Africa. Mandela would later become president of the former White colony through the popular support of the people.

A long-standing culture of state repression hence points out two lessons. One, political prisoners are the fruit of state’s s attempt to silence the boy who cried wolf, and second, political prisoners could be key individuals or groups bearing the seeds of the future.

Advocates in shackles

Political imprisonment is one of the many forms of fascism instigated by the modern dominant political order. A political prisoner can be described as someone who is imprisoned for his political activities, either for criticizing the government, or for opposing its policies or programs.

In the Philippines, several victims of political imprisonment include activists advocating for basic human rights, with causes spanning from land reform, food security, better working conditions, down to human rights, housing, education, social services, and lasting peace for the country.

During Martial Law (from 1972 until arguably the fall of president-turned-dictator Ferdinand Marcos in 1986), for instance, human rights watch group Karapatan cites that over 120,000 people were imprisoned for opposing the long-standing dictatorship.

More recently, Maricon Montajes, a film student of the University of the Philippines-Diliman, and a staunch advocate of student rights, who later on decided to live among peasants in their communities to understand and document their plight, ended up being arrested for illegal possession of firearms and ammunitions, illegal possession of explosives, and a violation of the omnibus election code. She is currently detained at the Batangas City Provincial Jail, recorded as the youngest political prisoner.

Montajes is only one of hundreds of political prisoners. Karapatan tallies a total of 525 political prisoners as of June 30, 2016. Of the number 117 are considered sickly, 47 are aged, and 129 already facing more than a decade behind bars. To keep them shut, most political prisoners are accused of heinous crimes or non-bailable criminal charges such as illegal possession of firearms, robbery, murder, arson, and kidnapping.

In this post-Martial Law era, that political prisoners suffer in illegal detention through trumped-up charges, nameless or alias warrants and other evasions of due process is abominable.

This also begs the question, despite their valid beliefs and the freedoms (press, expression, political beliefs, assembly, organization, etc.) restored in the ‘restoration of democracy’ in 1986, why do political prisoners face years – or lifetime – behind bars?

Free all political prisoners

Karapatan says the phenomenon of political prisoners in the country must be viewed in the context of an armed conflict and the struggle for better socio-economic conditions.

Most political prisoners fall under the armed conflict between Government of the Philippines (GPH) and Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). Thus, it would be vital to look into the background of a collective struggle.

According to the website of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), the united front organization of revolutionary groups, their political activities and advocacies are in line with the pursuit of “national freedom” and the “democratic rights of the people.”

The NDFP points out that among their socio-economic programs include implementing genuine land reform and national industrialization, adopting “comprehensive and progressive social policies,” promoting democratic rights and a nationalist culture, “upholding the rights of the Bangsa Moro and the Cordillera peoples and other indigenous peoples to self-determination and democracy,” emancipation of women, and an independent and peaceful foreign policy, to name a few.

To shackle political prisoners, thus, is to mum voices pursuing socio-progressive ideas.

It is in this line with these pro-people advocacies of political prisoners that rights groups like Karapatan are continuously advocating for their release. Groups are vigilantly calling on the granting of a general amnesty without having to comply to terms and conditions, and with the outlook that all charges will be dropped.

The makers and making of history

Various progressive groups laud the recent release of NDFP consultants including Communist Party of the Philippines leaders Benito and Wilma Tiamzon alongside the 17 others as a genuine step in the pursuance the peace talks. But they stressed that the next round of talks pose yet bigger challenges, as social, economic reforms, political, and constitutional reforms, are up in line at the negotiating table and if agreed, actually meant a change in the status quo. A cordial atmosphere was observed in the resumption of the formal talks between the Government of the Philippines and the NDFP in August, with both peace panels agreeing on all six point in their agenda. If these reforms long-needed by the Filipino people would be agreed next, the following steps towards changing the system might not be as peaceful or formal a transition as the talks, considering other powerful forces at play and deep-seated influences of this old, moribund order.

Varying opinions and views will always be present in a society. And fascism and political repression is the option of a sitting government whenever pressed by the people to make further advancements towards social justice and social change and whenever the government in power is opposed to changing the status quo. The case with today’s administration is looking a lot different. But, as history has proven, it is the people who make history happen—this is actually the third lesson.

The National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers (NUPL), the counsel for the first petitioners against the burial of former president-turned-dictator Ferdinand Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani (Heroes’ Cemetery) and also counsel for Martial Law victims, called on bar examinees as well as lawyers and law students to wear black during the bar exams on Sunday, November 13 at 6:30am.

They quickly launched this campaign after the Supreme Court (SC) has voted 9-5-1 dismissing the petition, setting into motion the burial of the elder Marcos. The bar exams would take place at 8am at the University of Sto. Tomas in Manila.

In their statement after the announcement of the SC decision, NUPL said the decision “is a big letdown at a time people are desperately seeking for some sense of decency, proportion, sanity and reason.”

In his own Facebook account, NUPL President Atty. Edre Olalia posted: “Stripped of its legalese, the bottom line of the SC majority opinion appears to be: there is no law prohibiting the dictator to be buried at a heroes’ cemetery; the President has the power and discretion to execute laws; such discretion is a political act which cannot be judged.”

He continued, “Therefore a scumbag can be treated like a hero and we can choose to look the other way… That is what you get when the law is abstracted from reality, from truth, from history and from justice. Such contempt.”

Here is a short interview with Atty. Edre Olalia on their proposed action on Sunday.

1. What is the aim of your “Black to Block” campaign?

AEO: It is going to be a silent but eloquent expression that the justice system is not the be-all and end-all of all our troubles and problems, that it is also a disappointment and source of trepidation, that one has choices on how to make the law serve justice, and that our courts are not pantheons of infallible gods. Black is for mourning the death of justice, of law, of decency and of history, and to block the hero’s burial for Marcos.

2. Could there be any adverse effect on bar examinees who would heed your call?

AEO: There would not be reprisal or favoritism. Besides, there will be thousands of examinees out there. It is, after all, an exercise of the right to free speech and expression.

3. For there are many misgivings on how justice has been served with this SC decision, does this impact on how a bar examinee or lawyer views the profession?

AEO: It’s more of a challenge and a call to serve the ends of justice, of the victims of oppression and exploitation, to be lawyers for the people than the iniquitous and unfair status quo. To go Black to Block.

4. Again on the decision, many netizens shared how the justices voted, connecting the decision to who appointed them to the SC. Or that it is President Duterte himself who caused this. How do these hold ground?

AEO: It is a curious indication or basis for serious concern that cases may be decided not really just purely and solely on law.

Valid or not, proximate or not, the immediate cause is the SC decision. It was the SC where petitioners run to. Of course, Duterte and the Arroyo appointees are principal players.

5. With the call “Black to Block”, does this mean the SC decision could still be changed?

AEO: Theoretically, we can still go for a motion for reconsideration within 15 days from receipt. We have not received the decision. Problem is they may bury him right away despite us having a chance to appeal. Key is public pressure and people’s action. These are part of the Black to Block campaign.

Meanwhile, as counsel, we shall immediately ask the court to hold in abeyance the execution of the decision until all motions for reconsideration are resolved with finality. Otherwise, the appeal will be rendered moot and its premature implementation by the Marcoses and the government will smack of bad faith.

6. What could the rest of the Filipinos who are disgruntled by the SC decision do?

AEO: The people can hold all forms of protest at significant places and times. Persuasion and pressure or campaign for a couple of justices to cross over and for the President to go beyond his parochial campaign promise and heed history and justice may resurrect whatever hopes we still have in the system.

“Bigla akong lumakas noong nadinig ko iyong desisyon ng Supreme Court. Nakahiga ako, napabangon ako,” salaysay ni Bernardo “Kadyo” Villalon, isang aktibista at manggagawang pangkultura mula pa bago magdeklara si Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. ng Batas Militar o Martial Law.

Narinig ni Kadyo sa radyo ang desisyon ng Korte Suprema na nagpawalang-saysay sa petisyon ng mga biktima ng Martial Law na pigilan ang paglilibing kay Marcos sa Libingan ng mga Bayani. Ang lumabas sa botohan ay siyam (9) sa pagbabasura, limang (5) pabor at isang (1) abstain. (Basahin ang No moving on as SC decides in favor of Marcos burial in Libingan ng mga Bayani)

Bahagi si Kadyo ng mga nagkaso laban kay Marcos sa mga paglabag nito sa karapatang pantao at bahagi ng dapat na makatanggap ng kumpensasyon. Tandang-tanda niya ang bilang niya sa listahan ng mga biktima, pang-2003 siya sa higit 9,000 nagkaso at nanalo. May mga nakatanggap na ng kumpensasyon, maraming hindi pa, ang wari niya. Hanggang ngayon, wala pang natatanggap na kumpensasyon si Kadyo.

“Sabi nila may gumamit ng papel ko. Sabi nila iba na raw may hawak ng pondo. Sabi nila nagamit na raw ni Bongbong sa kampanya,” banggit niya na mga dahilang ipinapaabot sa kanya kung bakit wala pa rin siyang kumpensasyon na natatanggap.

Sumampa na sa 77 taong gulang si Kadyo ngayong taon. Siya ay 35 taong gulang noong naging biktima ng tortyur sa Batas Militar. Lumipas na ang higit 40 taon, ngunit walang hustisya kahit sa hinagap ang mga biktimang tulad niya.

At inabutan pa niya ang panibagong pasakit at kawalan ng hustisya.

Walang (paki)alam sa karanasan ng mga biktima at sa kasalanan ni Marcos

“Malabo ang kaisipan ng mga nasa Supreme Court. Dapat pinag-aralan nila nang malalim kung sino si Marcos,” iling ni Kadyo.

Nilimi ni Kadyo ang pagboto ng siyam na mahistrado sa pagbasura sa petisyon ng mga biktima ng Batas Militar.

Aniya, “ang tiyak na lulutang sa mga katanungang gusto nilang malaman ay iyong malupit, diktador, pagmakasarili, naghari sya sa Pilipinas mula 1972 hanggang 1986. Maraming inaresto, tinortyur, kinulong nawala, mga babaeng ni-rape. Iyon, hindi nakikita ng humatol na siyam. Ang nakikita lang nila, naging sundalo, naging presidente, naging congressman, lahat. At wala raw kaso na nakulong siya. Wala ngang kaso na nakulong, kasi pinatalsik siya.”

“Sa siyam na mahistrado ng Supreme Court, hindi sila nag-aral sa kalikasan at karanasan ng mga tao. Ililibing siya sa Libingan ng mga Bayani, iyong mga nawala, walang bangkay, hindi nailibing, hindi na nakita. Iyong mga pinatay, iyong mga ni-rape. Anong sasabihin nila sa mga pamilya niyan? Ang dami niyan. Alam ba noong siyam na bumoto pabor kung ano iyong mga kasalanan ni Marcos?,” dagdag niya.

Sinagot din ni Kadyo ang mga idinadahilang positibong nagawa ng nakatatandang Marcos.

“Sa kanyang paghahari, totoong ang dami niyang nagawa, tulay, ospital. Pinangutang niya iyan sa bansang Amerika. Pagawa siya ng pagawa. Bawat pagawa niya, kikita siya. Sinasabing nawawala ang pera, pero natuklasan din nasaan. Lumaki ang yaman niya.”

Kaya giit niya, “hindi dapat ilibing sa Libingan ng mga Bayani si Marcos.”

Noong panahon ng Martial Law, organizer ako sa komunidad.

Setyembre 13, 1974, mag-dadalawang taon ang Martial Law. Mahigpit talaga ‘pag sumasapit ang buwan ng Setyembre, anibersaryo ng Martial Law. Nasa Sampaloc kami, nag-raid ang mga militar. Noong mag-raid, nagtago kami sa ilalim ng jeep.

Sumisigaw ang mga militar, sinisirenahan yung lugar, sinisigaw nila, “sa lugar na ito, may mga komunistang nagtatago.” Tinatakot nila iyong mga tao.

Walang nahuli noon iyong mga militar. Tinawag kami ng drayber, inalis kami, dinala kami sa bahay nila. Tapos bumiyahe na kami palayo.

September 14 ng madaling-araw, ni-raid kami sa Tondo. Nahuli kami, apat na lalaki, isang babae.

Itinaas iyong t-shirt ko, sabi “ito na nga.” Tapos isinubo sa akin iyong armalite.

Mental torture iyong ginawa sa amin, puro pananakot. Dinala kami sa isang lugar na maliwanag, walang radyo at TV. Puro interogasyon. Nagpa-presscon sila na may nahuli silang mga komunista. Kinasuhan kami ng anti-subversion law. Dinala kami sa Crame. A-kinse, dinala kami sa ISAFP, tapos torture ulit. Akala namin tapos na, kasi may kaso na kami. Pero nagsimula ulit yung interograsyon.

Sa tanong nila, ‘pag ‘di ka sumagot, may tama ka.

“Kilala mo ba si ganyan?”

“Hindi po.”

Pak, pak, pak.

“Anong hindi, eh kasama mo iyan.”

‘Pag ayaw nila ang sagot mo, tatlong pompyang ang inabot ko, kaya bingi ako.

“Member ka ba ng P?”

“Ano hong P, pinans?”

PAAAAAK!

“Hindi ko ho alam kung ano iyong P.”

“Hindi mo alam ha, ito alam mo na.”

PAAAAAK!

Tapos, ginamitan kami ng kuryente. Sa kili-kili saka sa bayag ilalagay. Tatanungin ka, tapos pipihitin. Mapapaiktad ka talaga. Hindi lang ako, lahat kami. Lahat ng suspect na subersibo, tinortyur.

Sinabi sa akin na kapag may sinasagot ka, hahaba pa. Matitiis mo naman ang sakit. Kaya wala na lang akong sinasabi. Matitiis mo naman iyong sakit. Bugbog-sarado na lang. Kulang-kulang isang buwan sa Crame, binyahe naman kami sa Ipil.

Iyong iba, nabalitaan namin, sinasaksakan ng droga. Kung papatayin ka, sasaksakan ka ng droga.

Noong pumutok ang balita na ang international human rights groups ay pupunta sa Pilipinas, nagsalita si Marcos na sa Pilipinas walang bilanggong pulitikal. November 1, madaling-araw. Napilitan siyang magsalita. Napilitan siyang magpalaya. April 25, lumaya na ako. Pero guwardiyado ka pa rin kasi weekly mag-rereport ka sa Crame, hindi ka pwede pumalya.

Tuloy ang laban

“Iyan si Marcos, hindi talaga dapat ilibing sa Libingan ng mga Bayani. Hindi siya bayani ng mga Pilipino. Bayani siya ng imperyalismo. Bayani siya ng mga naghaharing-uri noong panahon niya,” nasambit ni Kadyo matapos niyang ibahagi ang personal na karanasan sa Batas Militar.

Noong isang araw, nakatanggap siya ng text ng isang kapwa biktima ng Batas Militar na may pagkilos para kundenahin ang desisyon ng Korte Suprema.

“Sasama ako, kaya ko pa. Pinagpapatuloy mo iyong laban sa isang kalaban na nagpapanggap o pinapalitaw na bayani,” ang itinugon niya.

Naniniwala si Kadyo na kailangang ituro nang mahusay sa kabataan ang kasaysayan. Ipaalam sa kanila ang mga tunay na pangyayari at kung bakit nila kailangang magkaroon ng pakialam. Pawiin ang pagkakalimot.

Ilang dekada na ring nagsisilbing artistic director at mentor si Kadyo ng Kapisanan ng mga Mandudula sa Marikina (KMM), isang alyansa at grupong pangteatro ng mga kabataang Marikenyo. Marami na siyang naisulat na mga orihinal na skit, dulang ganap ang haba, monologo at mga kanta, na naging bahagi na ng repertoryo ng KMM. Ilan sa komun na tema ng mga likha ni Kadyo ang pagkilos para sa tunay na kalayaan ng bayan mula sa dayuhang mananakop gaya ng US, paninindigan at pagsisikap ng mamamayan na umahon mula sa kahirapan at pagbibigay-pugay sa mga bayaning Pilipino. Siya rin ang nagsisilbing direktor ng mga dulang ito kapag itinatanghal, gayundin bilang organisador ng mga kabataang ilang dekada na ang pagitan sa kanya pero patuloy niyang kinakikitaan at pinagkukunan ng pag-asa.

Kinuwento ni Kadyo na kamakailan lang ay nakapagturo at nakapag-direct pa siya ng tatlong dula sa hanay ng mga estudyante ng hayskul at kolehiyo sa kabila ng kanyang edad at kalusugan.

Kinuwento rin niyang paminsan-minsa’y may nangangamusta sa kanya.

“Kung pananaw, paniniwala at paninindigan, okay pa. Iyong kabuhayan at kalusugan ko, padausdos na. Hangga’t kaya ko, tuloy lang ako,” ang palaging tiyak niyang sagot.

Martial Law in 1972 declared by Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. killed thousands of Filipinos and left a country scarred and wounded. Even 44 years have passed, wounds still sting. The late dictator and his family remains as one of the powerful and wealthiest families in the country – and remained unaccountable for innumerable plunder and human rights abuses.

Wounds reopened when the Supreme Court allowed the burial of the late dictator to the Heroes’ Cemetery, at the behest of the Marcos family, at the order of President Rodrigo Duterte. This benefitted him and his family a burial that befits a hero.

But these wounds deepened. While people are fighting to block the burial ceremonies, the Marcoses were able to orchestrate the heroes’ burial of the dictator ten days after the ruling. Transported by a helicopter, the remains of Marcos were sneaked in and flown to Manila from his hometown in Ilocos Norte.

Due to the spur of events, stories about Martial Law propped up and continue to resurface – with the urge tell the histories of their wounds.

No matter how painful it is to remember, victims and families endure the pain so people will not forget the atrocities under the Marcos dictatorship.

This is for those who have lived and have not lived in the time of Martial Law.

Imagine waking up on September 21, 1972 and all was quiet. We lived on Shaw Boulevard and the street was deserted.

In the house, all was sullen. Mama lay in bed and kept me there with her. I couldn’t go out to buy pandesal. The bakery was closed. The taho vendor did not pass by.

All was quiet.

Trucks with soldiers passed the street. Policemen gathered at the corner. Everyone’s door was closed. I was five and that morning was the first time I saw my mother afraid.

My father used to be a policeman. He had just become a lawyer four months before. He, too, was afraid. Something happens to a child when she sees her parents afraid. She learns to be afraid, too.

No one in my family was taken, arrested, detained, beaten up, tortured or raped. But we were all afraid. Living afraid was normal.

We lined up to buy rice. We lined up to buy sugar. In those early days of Martial Law, everything was controlled. After a few weeks, being afraid became our normal.

My dad needed to take a road trip to preach somewhere. They had a car but no gasoline. He buys the gasoline stub from a policeman friend. It was his gasoline allowance for the mobile police car. I asked, what if the policeman needed to chase a bad guy? Then the people who complained to the police will have to give the policeman “pang-gasolina,” “pang-sigarilyo,” or “pang-meryenda.”

When teachers told us to plant vegetables in the school garden, it wasn’t because it was fun. It wasn’t because it was a learning experience. It was because of the Green Revolution. There would be inspections and we could receive awards if we grew the best vegetables.

When teachers told us to sweep the street, no one asked why. Every student was out on the street sweeping. We didn’t do this out of civic duty, we did it because “sa ikauunlad ng bayan, disiplina ang kailangan [discipline is needed for the progress of the country].” A few months of this, and we didn’t ask, we didn’t complain, we didn’t question.

When we were told to make Philippine flags from colored paper and made to stand for hours in the heat along J.P Laurel Street so we can wave at the passing black car where the dictator and his wife rode, no one complained. No one asked why. No one questioned. This became normal. This was life and it was normal.

School kids were given a bun and a glass of milk everyday. No one asked where they came from, if they were international food aid or if they were from “utang [loan].” Marcos was so good to the poor.

The news? Well, the only source of news was the same government stations, those owned or operated by friends and cronies of Marcos. The only newspapers that survived were those that sang the praises of the dictator. All the news came in press release form. No one wrote the news. They just read the press releases.

No one asked why. No one questioned. No one knew any better.

The government was deep in debt to finance the construction of the CCP, the PICC, the FAT, ECP. We had to memorize all those acronyms in school. We had to learn all the cabinet secretaries’ names. We knew all about Marcos’ bravery during the Death March — never mind that it turned out to be fiction, we memorized it in school.

I was watching cartoons or Sesame Street, and suddenly my favorite program would be interrupted and a man sitting in a chair behind a desk would give a speech for an hour. I would groan and sometimes get angry and complain. I would be shushed. The soldiers might hear you. If we misbehaved, older people would say, “Sige ka, dadalhin ka sa Camp Crame. Tatawag ba ako ng pulis? Ipadadala ba kita sa Crame? [Go on, they will bring you to Camp Crame. Should I call the police? Should I let them bring you to Crame?]” This was normal.

I would often hear that same man with the big voice and slow cadence of speech say, “I have ordered the Armed Forces.” He would say, “I have issued Presidential Decree number so and so.” I grew up thinking that laws were made by Presidential Decree. I didn’t know until I was 15 that laws elsewhere, in other countries, were made by a congress or a senate or a parliament. I thought Presidential Decrees were normal.

So when older people say, “Naku, during Martial Law, life was quiet,” believe them. There was only one voice to be heard. When they say, life was peaceful during Martial Law, believe them. Everyone who questioned was in jail or in a shallow grave somewhere.

When they say, “Naku, noong Martial Law, mura ang bilihin [Oh dear! During Martial Law, goods were cheap]” believe them. Malacañang controlled everything even the price of rice, and sugar and cooking oil. Everything was controlled and owned by the government or some lucky friend, classmate or kababayan [countrymen] or kamag-anak [family relative] of the man in Malacañang.

When people say that they were free during Martial Law, believe them: they were free to choose Seeing Stars with Joe Quirino or Superstar; they were free to root for Toyota or Crispa; they were free to watch the news on RPN 9 or IBC 13 or BBC 2 or PTV 4 or GMA 7 the news would contain the same footages and the same press releases, anyway.

You know what else became normal? When you needed some help getting something you need from a government agency, you would ask, “Sino bang kakilala natin doon? [Do we know somebody inside?]” or “May kakilala ka ba sa Malacañang? [Do we know someone from Malacañang?]”

But later, it became different. The teenager who ran over a child on the street would not be prosecuted, the family will not press charges because, “pamangkin ni Colonel so and so [he’s the nephew of Colonel so and so].” Barged your way through traffic? “Anak ni General so and so iyan [she’s the daughter of General so and so]” This, too, was normal.

You wanted a government job? You don’t have qualifications? That’s not a problem. Kilala mo naman si [Of course you know]… Kumpare naman ng tatay mo si [Certainly, your father is friends with]… Ninong mo naman si [Surely, you’re godfather is]…it doesn’t matter what you know, it matters whom you know. This, too, was normal.

All those who turned up dead and found in the talahiban [meadow], well, they were all communists, anyway. Good riddance. All those rounded up for questioning, well, they were all communists, too. Everyone who questioned or complained was a communist. Pretty soon, everyone who was evil was a communist.

What’s a communist, Mama? Communists are people who want to overthrow the government, but Marcos saved us. Marcos saved the government. Now the communists want to overthrow Marcos. A communist is a person who wants to overthrow the Bagong Lipunan.

May bagong silang,
may bago nang diwa
Bagong bansa,
bagong galaw,
Sa Bagong Lipunan.
Nagbabago ang lahat
Tungo sa pag-unlad
At ating itanghal
Bagong Lipunan!

We grew to believe that we were all safe because all the communists would be rounded up and they would be jailed. We needed not fear. Life was in peace and order.

So, life during Martial Law was normal. Everything was normal.

I was born in prison, March 4, 1980. My mother was detained in Iloilo for subversion during the latter part of her pregnancy. Both my parents were activists and wanted leaders of the movement struggling to tear down the Marcos regime.

I was a few months old when my grandmother took me away from my mother because I was getting sick inside prison walls. I grew up with my mother’s loving family but my childhood away from my parents was not easy. I would always look for them growing up but I was made to understand that it would be dangerous for them and for me if we were together.

I would see them at times and those were the happiest moments I had. It would always be emotionally traumatizing and painful when they had to leave. They would tell me that our situation was special and that they would always be with me in my heart. I couldn’t fully understand the reality we were in, but I had to swallow what grief I had as part of the struggle.

We could not mention my parents’ names in the open and would only use code names.
There were times that my titos and titas would hide me in the car just so I could meet my mama and papa in discreet hiding places. We would move from place to place. I would go with my parents to secret meetings and sleep on their laps just so I could be with them.

There were times I would just listen to the radio they left in our room wishing I would hear from them. “Breaker….breaker…this is little 123.” I would keep on calling out to them when I missed them terribly but would not get a response.

One time, I saw my papa cleaning a gun in the room. There was one time my mom suddenly arrived in the house scared and anxious after escaping armed men running after her in motorcycles. I could not forget her bursting into tears after we saw on the news that my father got caught. I remember visiting my father in prison in Cebu and seeing him thin and emaciated with quite a number of political detainees stuffed in a small prison cell. My father was tortured when he was captured. Both my parents were in and out of prison in my early years. I remember throwing tantrums and bawling by the gate because my mom had to leave and go to the mountains.

My mama and papa never stopped at making me feel loved even when they were miles away. They kept sending me letters folded so small we called them “chicklet” just to tell me they loved me.

I remember spending time in Bicutan (detention center for political detainees) with other children whose parents were there. There we had art classes, karate classes, climbed trees, ate aratilis and took care of pigeons just to give us a sense of “normalcy” when there was none.

I was one of the “lucky” ones at that time. There were those whose parents died, those whose families were massacred and those who saw their families killed in front of them. There was even one child who was left with people who would feed him along with the pigs (a real account).

I grew up living a life of fear. I was afraid because my parents could die at any time. I was lucky I never had to face horrible news like that.

I was only able to finally be with them when they resurfaced when I started college. Even then, there would be times that my mama and papa’s safety would be threatened.

Until now I am still making up for the lost time.

No child should grow up living in fear. But because of the Marcos regime and even years after that, we Filipinos had to live in a time of struggle against violent oppressors.

We should not let this happen again. How can we forget when the wounds have never really healed and the cancer we see in our society continues to oppress the majority of our nation.

We can never forget. I continue to live with the consequences of that time. We continue to live with the consequences of that time.

Ito ang tanong ng isang biktima ng Batas Militar noon at nakararanas naman ng kagutuman at militarisasyon ngayon.

Nagtungo sa Maynila si Lina Tabuyan, 52, mula sa kanyang bayan sa Calbiga, Samar upang idulog kay Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte ang laganap na kagutuman at militarisasyon sa kanilang lugar. Bahagi si Lina ng kampanyang lakbayan ng mga taga-Visayas. Nakarating siya sa Maynila noong Nobyembre 20.

“Mahirap ang buhay namin dahil sa gutom, peste, bagyo, militar. Sunod-sunod ang bagyo, nasira ang mga pananim. Walang gobyernong tumutulong sa amin,” ani Lina.

Inabutan niya sa Maynila ang pagsambulat ng disgusto ng mamamayan sa biglaan at patagong paglilibing sa dating diktador na si Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. sa Libingan ng mga Bayani (LNMB).

“Gusto naming hukayin siya, itapon sa mga lugar ng mga berdugo kasi doon siya bagay,” ani Lina sa paglilibing kay Marcos.

Sumama si Nanay Lina sa malaking protesta sa Luneta laban sa paglilibing kay Marcos noong Biyernes, Nobyembre 25.

“Gusto ko sanang magsalita sa entablado. Gusto ko sanang magpahayag ng galit,” dama ni Lina habang nanonoood ng programa ng protesta.

Biktima ng Batas Militar

“Mayroon bang hustisya para sa amin?” tanong ni Lina matapos niyang ilahad ang ilang karanasan noong Batas Militar.

Buong pamilya ni Lina ay naging biktima ng Batas Militar.

Bagamat may anunsyo si Marcos ng pagpawi ng Batas Militar noong Enero 17, 1981, nagpatuloy ang walang pananagutang paghahari ni Marcos at ng mga alipures niya.

Taong 1984, naninirahan pa sila Lina noon sa Sitio Lanaga sa barangay Cancaiyas sa Basey, Samar. Magsasaka ang kanyang magulang at pagsasaka ang kinabubuhay ng kanilang pamilya. Isang araw, pinuntahan ng mga militar ang kanyang ama. Pilit na isinasama ang kanyang ama sa kabilang baryo.

“Wala kaming magawa,” alaala ni Nanay Lina.

Sa mga sumunod na araw, nabalitaan na lang nila na natagpuan ang bangkay ng kanyang ama sa kabilang baryo kung saan siya isinama ng mga militar.

Nang sumunod na taon, si Lina naman ang tinangay ng mga militar.

“Sabi nila sa akin, aktibista ka. Sabi ko, hindi ako aktibista. Pero kinuha pa rin nila ako,” kuwento ni Lina.

Idinaan si Lina sa tatlong kampo ng militar hanggang ibaba sila sa headquarters ng militar sa Barangay Parasanon, Pinabacdao, Samar. Tatlo silang babaeng ipiniit sa isang maliit na bahay. Isang araw, kinuha si Lina at dinala sa isang kuwarto. Doon siya unang beses ginahasa. Dalawang beses itong nangyari. Siya ay nasa 21 taong gulang lamang noon.

Matapos ang siyam na araw sa Parasanon, dinala naman si Lina sa Maulong, Catbalogan kung saan siya dinetine ng dalawang buwan.

Bukod sa kanya at sa kanyang ama, naging biktima rin ng Batas Militar ang kanyang apat na kapatid.

“Sinunog ng mga militar ang mga bahay sa buong barangay namin,” lahad ni Lina.

Nasa 60 bahay ang natupok. Tatlong bahay lang na di-yero ang yari ang naiwang nakatayo sa buong barangay sa pagkakaalaala ni Lina.

Kasama si Lina at kanyang mga kapatid sa higit 9,000 na nagsampa ng kaso at nanalo laban sa mga Marcos. Pero hanggang ngayon, wala silang natatanggap na anumang kumpensasyon.

Sa pagkakalibing ni Marcos sa LNMB, napatotohanan niyang wala pa rin siyang natatanggap na hustisya.

“Galit at poot ang nararamdaman ko. Gusto kong lumaban, mabigyan ng hustisya. Ipaglalaban ko ito hanggang huli,” sabi ni Lina.

Biktima ng kagutuman

Pagsasaka pa rin ang kabuhayan ni Lina. Naninirahan na siya ngayon sa Calbiga, Samar kasama ng kanyang asawa na isa ring magsasaka.

Daing ni Lina, dinaanan na sila ng bagyong Yolanda, Glenda, Ruby, Seniang at Nona ngunit wala pa silang makabuluhang tulong na natatanggap mula sa gobyerno.

Problema rin nila ang mga peste na kasing-lupit ng mga bagyong dumaan kung makapanira ng mga pananim.

Sinalanta ng mga cocolisap ang mga natirang nakatayong niyog matapos ang bagyo, gayundin ang bunchy top ng mga abaca. Inatake na rin ng peste ang mga root crops, na sana’y natitira nang alternatibo ng mga magsasaka matapos salakayin ng mga peste ang mga pananim na tumutubo sa ibabaw ng lupa.

Tinataya ng People Surge, grupo ng mga biktima ng kalamidad sa Eastern Visayas,  na bumaba sa 75 hanggang 90 porsyento ang produksyon ng kopra, habang bumaba ng 50 hanggang 80 porsyento ang kita ng magkokopra.

“Walang pagbabago ang buhay namin. Lalong lumala sa pagdaan ng mga taon. Tapos nandiyan pa rin ang mga militar, takot ang mga tao. Nagsisikap kami maghanapbuhay, pero lagi kaming may pangamba,” saad ni Lina.

Biktima ng militarisasyon

Nagulat na lang din sina Lina noong Agosto nitong taon nang makitang may mga militar na nakakampo sa mga barangay hall na kanyang nadaanan isang beses nang pumunta silang mag-asawa sa bayan.

“Sabi nila, andiyan daw sila dahil may proyekto sa barangay Literon. Wala pa naman kaming nakikitng proyekto hanggang ngayon. Sabi nila sa iba, para mag-organisa ng mga kababaihan, kabataan at magsasaka. Ano bang organisasyon iyon? Wala pa rin kaming nakikita,” saad ni Lina.

Ayon din sa People Surge, nakakampo ang 87^th Infantry Batallion sa siyam na barangay sa Calbiga. Ito ay ang mga barangay ng Borong, Jubasan, Literon, Mahangcaw, Guimbanga, Hindang, Caamlungan, Sinalangtan at Panayuran.

Nakatanggap na rin ng ulat ang People Surge ng mga panliligalig ng mga militar sa mga mamamayan sa komunidad na kanilang hinimpilan. Diumano’y may listahan ng mga rebelde ang mga militar at sinasabi sa mga mamamayan na “i-clear ng mga nasa listahan ang kanilang mga pangalan.” Kapag hindi ginawa ito ng mga nasa listahan, agad daw silang huhulihin kapag natapos na ang ceasefire at naputol na ang usapang pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng gobyerno ng Pilipinas at ng National Democratic Front of the Philippines. Kapag naman daw nalinis na ng mga nasa listahan ang kanilang mga pangalan ay pwede na silang makipagtulungan sa mga militar sa mga susunod na panahon at ituro ang iba pa. Ito ay galing sa ulat ng mga magsasaka mula sa Barangay Literon.

May isa pang inulat na insidente ng isang medical mission ng mga militar kung saan namigay ang mga ito ng mga reseta sa mga maysakit. Pero sa halip na listahan ng mga gamot, ang nakasulat sa diumano’y resetang ibinigay ng militar ay listahan ng mga baril at mga presyo nito.

Kapansin-pansin para kay Lina na kahit pa si Pangulong Duterte ay pumasok sa usapang pangkapayapaan ay hindi pa rin nawawala ang militar sa kanilang lugar.

“Hindi ako payag na andiyan sila. Hindi ba’t may ceasefire? Bakit nariyan sila? Kundi kami madadamay ay baka kami ang pinupuntirya,” tutol ni Lina.

Panawagan kay Pangulong Duterte

“Gusto naming bigyan niya ng pansin ang aming sitwasyon namin. Gusto namin magkaroon ng kasagutan ang mga reklamong ihahain naming sa kanya,” ani Lina.

Umaasa si Lina, sampu ng kanyang mga kasama na nagmula pa sa Cebu, Negros, Panay at Eastern Visayas, na sa pagpunta nila sa Maynila ay magkakaroon ng tugon sa kanilang sitwasyon.

“Bakit hindi nawala ang militar nang maupo siya? Bakit hindi nila sinusuportahan ang magsasaka? Magiging maayos sana an gaming paghahanapbuhay kung may kaunting suporta man lang mula sa gobyerno. Bakit hinayaan niya si Marcos mailibing sa Libingan ng mga Bayani? Bakit ang mga Marcos pa ang inuuna niya?” litanya ni Lina.

Sa Nobyembre 28, Lunes, darating ang iba pang mga kasama ni Lina mula sa rehiyon ng Eastern Visayas upang mangalampag sa mga ahensya ng gobyerno gayundin sa pangulo para tugunan ang kanilang sitwasyon.

“Kung walang siyang [Pangulong Duterte] itutulong, babalik kami sa aming lugar at patuloy na ipaglalaban ang aming mga karapatan,” ani Nanay Lina.

Si Sherwin Calong ay galing sa isang pamilya ng maralitang lungsod sa Corazon de Jesus, San Juan. Ang kanyang pamilya ay nagmula sa Barugo, Leyte sa Silangang Visayas, mga Waray, na nakipagsapalaran sa Kamaynilaan para magkaroon ng trabaho at sana’y mas matiwasay na buhay.

Taong 2010 nang muling pinursige ng lokal na pamahalaan ng San Juan ang pagpapalayas sa mga maralitang lungsod ng Corazon de Jesus. Natapyasan na ang komunidad ng erya na binansagang Rawis, sapagkat galing sa Rawis sa Hilagang Samar ang karamihan sa mga nagkumpol sa bahaging iyon. Mula pa pagkatapos ng Batas Militar, makailang ulit nang nai-award sa mamamayan at nai-award din sa lokal na pamahalaan ang lupa, depende sa kung sinong nakaupong pangulo ng Pilipinas. Masalimuot ang usapin sa lupa, ngunit ang malinaw ay naging piyon ang higit 10,000 residente ng Corazon de Jesus sa mga away-pulitika ng mga burukrata sa bansa. Bukod pa sa tinuturing na prime lot ang kinatitirikan ng barangay, malapit sa commercial center na Greenhills, hindi binabaha kahit noong bagyong Ondoy, at iba pang mahusay nitong katangian, pinag-iinteresan ito ng mga may interes na hindi para sa mga maralita.

Nang magbuklod ang mamamayan para ipaglaban ang paninirahan, naorganisa si Sherwin sa Anakbayan. Naging bahagi siya ng magiting na pagdepensa ng mga residente sa kanilang tirahan noong Enero 2011. Sa pagkakataong iyon, lumaban ang mga residente higit sa kanilang mga sariling interes at ari-arian. Kahit ang mga hindi pa nakatakdang idemolis ay lumaban. Higit pang namulat si Sherwin sa brutalidad ng estado sa isinagawang marahas na demolisyon, kung paanong wala silang pakundangan hindi lang sa mumunting ari-arian ng mga maralita, kundi maging sa buhay ng mga ito.

Dahil galing sa kanayunan, pamilyar naman si Sherwin at ang kanyang pamilya sa gerang sibil na nangyayari sa bayan, sa kanayunan. Nakintal kay Sherwin ang kawastuhan nitong paglaban dahil sa dahas ng estado na siya mismo ay nakaranas. Kaya nang nagkaroon siya ng pagkakataon, hindi na siya nagdalawang-isip na sumama sa pagbisita sa kanayunan, sa larangan ng armadong paglaban ng mamamayan. At iilang araw pa lang ay doon nagpasya na siyang magpaiwan. Hindi na siya sumama pabalik sa Corazon de Jesus. Kahit pa nakatakda ang panibagong demolisyon sa Corazon de Jesus noong Enero 2012. Hindi nagpatinag si Sherwin. At hindi malilimutan ng kanyang mga pinagbilinan at kanilang mga napagkuwentuhan ang kanyang determinadong pagpapasya.

“Matapos nating lumaban sa demolisyon, ganoon pa rin naman ang sistema ng lipunan natin.”

Pumili na siya noon ng bagong larangan ng labanan, kung saan tingin niya maaaring mawakasang tuluyan ang lahat ng uri ng pang-aapi sa mamamayan.

At lumaban siya, hindi lamang para sa sarili, hanggang sa huli.

Panoorin ang parangal para sa kanya noong 2012:

Basahin ang iba pang kwento tungkol sa mga kabataang martir dito.

Hindi ko akalaing magsusulat ako muli ng ganitong tipo ng mensahe. Higit tatlong taon na mula noong gabing iyon na ako’y sinabihan na magbigay ng talumpati upang alalahanin ang isang kasama. Naiisip ko pa rin ang gabing iyon. Kahit anumang paghahanda ang ginawa ko ilang minuto ang lumilipas bago ako tuluyang makapagsalita sa harap ng mga tao. Kahit anong pigil ko, hindi ko pa rin nagawang sarilihin ang mga luha at hikbi.

Siguro kung pinalad ako na makapiling kayo ngayong gabi, ganoon rin siguro ang makikita niyo–tiyak na mapuputol at mapuputol ang aking talumpati dahil hindi ko rin mapipigilan ang pag-iyak.

Pero magtiwala kayo na kahit ilang libong kilometro ang layo ko mula sa Mindanao, magkakasing bigat lang ang nararamdaman nating lahat.

Una kong nabalitaan ang pagpanaw ni Perper bandang tanghali ng November 5. May masama na akong kutob noong nabasa ko ang text message na iyon. Nagalit pa ako sa nagbahagi ng balita sa akin dahil hindi pa agad masabi kung ano ang masamang balita. Natakot ako, iniisip ko na sana huwag siya. Ayoko na naman mawalan ng isang kapatid at kasama. Kalaunan ay sinabi na rin niya sa akin–wala na si Perper.

Naging magkasama kami ni Perper sa UP. Kung iisipin, magkabatch kami sa halos lahat ng mga bagay–sa University Student Council, sa confraternity at sa kilusan. Una kong nakilala si Perper bilang slatemate. Tumatakbo ako noon bilang konsehal habang siya naman ay para sa college representative. Ang first impression ko kay Perper? Matalino. Mahilig siya magtanong. Napatunayan ko pa ito lalo sa mga educational discussions kung saan kami naging magkakaklase. Magkasama kaming namulat sa maraming bagay, mula sa isyu ng mga estudyante sa loob ng unibersidad hanggang sa isyu ng mga magsasaka ng Hacienda Luisita.

Mas lalo kaming naging malapit ni Perper noong naging magkabatch kami sa pagpasok sa confraternity. Doon naging mas solid ang samahan naming lahat, hindi lang namin itinuring ang isa’t isa bilang magkatrabaho sa council, kundi bilang magkapatid na rin. Sa loob ng kapatiran, naging mas matatag ang aming mga prinsipyo.
At mula doon, naging tuloy tuloy na lahat. Nagkasama kami sa pinakaunang graduation protest ng UPMin at sa marami pang pagkilos pagkatapos noon. Sa sumunod na school year, nagsilbi akong tagapangulo ng USC habang siya nama’y naatasang itayo ang bagong balangay ng League of Filipino Students kung saan siya ang naging tagapangulo. Malaking taon para sa amin ang 2010. Naalala ko pa rin ang isang buwang halos araw-araw kaming umiikot sa mga klasrum at nagdidikit ng pubmats sa eskwelahan para marami ang mapakilos laban sa SUC budget cut sa ilalim ng unang taon ni BS Aquino.

Nahalal siya bilang tagapangulo ng USC pagkatapos ng aking termino. Nagkarooon pa nga kami ng maliit na diskurso matapos lumabas ang balita ng aking deployment sa gawain sa ibang lugar matapos ang aking termino. Kailangan daw nila ng gabay ko bilang dating chairperson. Ngunit kahit hindi ko na matandaan ang mga eksaktong salitang aking nabanggit, ipinabatid ko sa kanilang malaki ang tiwala ko sa kanilang kakayahan. Kailangan lang nila magtiwala at maniwala sa kanilang mga sarili.

Hindi ko na masiyadong nakatrabaho si Perper pagkatapos naming magkalayo sa gawain. Pero alam kong pagkatapos niya sa UP, tuloy-tuloy na ang naging pagkilos niya sa loob ng kilusang kabataan at nakasalamuha niya rin ang ibang tao mula sa ibang mga sektor. Sa mga panahong ito, nagkukumustahan lang kami tungkol sa buhay sa mga panahong nagkakataong parehong hindi kami abala sa ibang mga bagay.

Naalala ko dati na lagi ko siyang inaasar dahil sa sobrang bagal niyang ligawan ulit si Treeng. Akala ko naman wala na, iyon pala, sobrang bagal lang talaga niya. Magaling siyang mass leader pero hindi siya madiskarte pagdating sa pag-ibig. Pero eventually, naging magkarelasyon naman sila ulit at naging masaya ako para sa kanilang dalawa.

Nagkita kami muli noong Mayo 2013. Hindi ko inakala na iyon na rin pala ang huling pagkikita namin. Mga ilang araw na lang iyon bago ako umalis patungong Maynila para maglingkod bilang Student Regent ng UP. Umasa akong pagbalik ko, magiging magkatrabaho ulit kami o at the very least, magkakaroon kami ulit ng panahon para magkumustahan. Ngunit iyon na pala ang huling pagkakataon ko upang makamusta siya nang personal.

Kung makakausap ko lang si Perper ngayon, siguro ang sasabihin ko ay “sorry”. Sorry at hindi ko na matutupad ang pangako kong magkikita tayong muli. Sorry, wala ako diyan ngayon upang personal kang parangalan. Hindi ko masasabing “paalam” dahil sa bawat araw na ipinagpapatuloy ng mga kasama ang laban na buong puso mong niyakap, ikaw, si Alvin, sampu ng lahat ng mga buhay na ini-alay para sa paglaya ng sambayanan, ay mananatiling buhay na buhay sa aming mga puso at alaala. Makakaasa kang ang iyong dakilang buhay ay magiging inspirasyon at ehemplo para sa mga bagong kabataang uusbong upang ipagpatuloy ang ating laban. Ang iyong kuwento at ala-ala ay mananatiling buhay sa mukha ng mga taong iyong ipinaglaban, iyong pinaglingkuran, buhay man ang inialay.

Tala ng Editor: Si Rendell Ryan ‘Perper’ Cagula ay sumapi sa Bagong Hukbong Bayan noong Disyembre 2013. Nasawi siya sa isang engkwentro sa Maasim, Saranggani noong Nobyembre 4, 2014.