This list recognizes celebrities who supported people’s issues in 2016 and whose influence helped amplify the change the masses want and need.

1. Celebrities for #BigasHindiBala

Solidarity and donations poured in from many celebrities when the Kidapawan Massacre took place. The Aquino regime’s fascist response took down protesting drought-stricken farmers in North Cotobato, known as Kidapawan shooting in April 1 and more popularly as the event that made viral the indignation #BigasHindiBala.

Action star Robin Padilla visited and addressed the thousands upon thousands of farmers who were attacked and harassed by the military, despite being sheltered inside the sanctuary of the Spottswood Methodist Church.

He said, “Nandito ako dahil Pilipino ako. Yung mga nangyayari sa inyo hindi yan dapat nangyayari sa Pilipino. Ang batas, dapat ang pinapanigan nyan ang mga naaapi… Itong boses ko aalingawngaw to… papaalingawngawin ko ito sa Maynila.”

Robin and his family of actors and actresses donated the sacks of rice to the 5,000 Kidapawan farmers. Robin personally bought 200 sacks of rice while Mariel Rodriguez (his wife), Daniel (his nephew) and Karla Estrada (Daniel’s mother) likewise donated sacks of rice.

Joining the Padilla family in donating sacks of rice are Angel Locsin, Anne Curtis-Smith, Jasmine Curtis-Smith, Bianca Gonzales-Intal, Luis Manzano, Erika Padilla, Megan Young, Mikael Daez, and filmmakers Perci Intalan and Jun Lana.

Miss World Philippines 2001 Carlene Aguilar-Ocampo expressed her solidarity to the farmers as well as she posted a photo in her Instagram account where she holds grains of rice in her palm. She said, “Ipaglaban at alagaan natin sila. Huwag daanin sa dahas.

2. The Seguerras

In 2015, Aiza & Liza Diño-Seguerra arduously supported the struggle of the Lumads for their ancestral land. As the year turned and both were appointed into positions under the Rodrigo Duterte administration (Aiza as the National Youth Commission Chairperson and CEO and Liza as the Film Development Council of the Philippines Chairperson), the couple did not wane in their support for the struggles of our indigenous people in Mindanao.

Like in 2015, they continue to join activities of the Lakbayan ng Pambansang Minorya para sa Sariling Pagpapasya at Makatarungang Kapayapaan last October 8 to 31. The Lakbayan is a historic nationwide caravan of national minorities and Moro people in the country that aims to amplify their call for their right to self-determination and the peoples clamor to attain just and lasting peace.

Their government positions did not stop them to criticize and condemn the Philippine National Police for the brutal dispersal of indigenous peoples and activists at the US Embassy last October. Several were seriously injured including children, women and elderly indigenous peoples. On the day of the brutal dispersal, the couple immediately went to the hospital and personally checked the situation of the victims.

When the Kidapawan shooting transpired on April 1, where two farmers were killed and 79 were arrested, the couple did their best to mount the bail issued by Kidapawan Municipal Trial Court Judge Rebecca De Leon pegged at P6,000 per individual. They were able raise P546,000.

“Most came from artists from the entertainment industry and friends who readily gave their support but there were other groups who donated as well to fulfill the amount. MARAMING MARAMING SALAMAT SA TULONG NINYO…This is only the beginning. Mahaba-haba pa po ang journey na ito. The goal is for all these charges to be dropped at madismiss ang kaso… Wag po tayong bibitaw. Patuloy po nating ipakita ang ating pakikiisa sa kanilang laban upang makamit ang HUSTISYA,” said Liza in her Facebook post.

3. The Medinas

The Medina family has supported people’s issues in previous years especially during the call for the ouster of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo at the time of gross human rights violations and allegations of corruption.

In 2016, the Medinas once again joined the march of the people, this time, to firmly oppose the Marcos burial and their attempts to return to power.

Though famous, they remain humble in the eyes of many during protests. They do not seek recognition in rally programs nor do they treat themselves as VIPs during protests. They join the crowd like simple people clad in shirts in the requested color to be worn, carrying placards and carrying on despite sun or rain.  This family of actors continue to share not only good talent and looks but also good hearts as well.

4. Juana Change

Another oldie but always a goodie in terms of taking stands on issues, Mae Paner aka Juana Change never failed to please the crowd with her performance art and costumes in several protests this year.

Marking her most exceptional outfit in the protest runway would be her #CHexit inspired ensemble where she ornamented her head with a mock-up of BP Katatagan, the corroded Philippine warship stationed at the disputed West Philippine Sea.

Paner ended the year performing in front of an angry middle-finger raising crowd as she mimicked Imelda Marcos, cuddling an effigy of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, during the #BlackFriday protest in Luneta Park last November.

5. Monique Wilson and Sugar Mercado

Monique Wilson and Sugar Mercado has One Billion Rising in common.

For world-renowned thespian and singer Monique Wilson, the parliament of the streets has become her Broadway. Wilson continued to champion women’s rights and welfare on a global scale as she spearheads the international campaign One Billion Rising. Though always out-of-the-country, Wilson made sure to visit and integrate with the Lumad in their evacuation site and other groups that participated in the campaign. The political savvy Wilson also consistently espouses in words and deeds that women emancipation is not a struggle above class—it is class struggle.

From the Broadway of Manhattan, New York to the Broadway Centrum near New York, Cubao – Eat Bulaga’s Sugar Mercado joins our list of brave women.

This former Sexbomb member had her unfair share of violence against women. Physically and psychologically abused by her husband, Sugar decided to break her silence and took him to court. She sought the support of Gabriela in her fight and she fought well indeed. She gave back to the struggle of the women by doing what she knows best: dancing. Sugar became the face of the instructional dance video of Gabriela Womens Partylist’s campaign jingle during the 2016 elections.

6. Nora Aunor

Straight from an out-of-town shoot of her scenes for a film, Nora Aunor marched under the scorching heat of the sun last April to condemn the Kidapawan Massacre. This is not the first time that the Superstar went to the streets to support people’s issues.

Tagged by many as the greatest (living) Filipino actor Aunor was known to support migrant issues, but she may all be for social justice and genuine social change as well. She was also in our 2015 list of celebrities who supported people’s issues, for the #SaveMaryJane campaign. She was also active for the commemoration of the death of Flor Contemplacion, an Overseas Filipino Worker who was sentenced to death in Singapore and whom Aunor portrayed in a film.

“Nalulungkot po ako na marinig ang mga nangyari sa mga farmers. At sana ho mabigyan ng justice ang ginawa sa kanila. Lalo na sa gobyerno natin sana hindi nila balewalain ang ginawa sa farmers,” said Nora in a video statement.

7. Mara Lopez

Surfing is not the only thing that made Mara Lopez so stoked in 2016. The young actress continuously helps in making waves for people’s issues. Her participation in the advocacy to free political prisoners made her part of our 2015 list. Come 2016, Lopez took time to personally visit the Lumads at the Kampuhan sa UP Diliman and learn from their fight. Meeting the dauntless woman Manobo tribe leader Bai Bibyaon inspired Mara more to support people’s struggles.

She posted a photo of Bai Bibyaon’s hands in her Instagram account and said, “Hands of a warrior. Had the pleasure of meeting Bai Bibyaon, the only woman chieftain of the Manobo Tribe in the Philippines. She’s 90 and strong – fighting for their ancestral domain, the right to self-determination and peace.”

8. Mocha Uson

Many didn’t imagine that Mocha Uson could be an influential icon for politics in the online world. She emerged as a most effective propaganda machine of the Duterte campaign and then the administration. She earned controversy, threats, bashers, supporters and the lot. She is both loved and loathed, trending for and against her posts. As of writing, she has 4,670,048 followers in Facebook and her posts get viewed up to almost more than 7 million (video) and shared up to more than 120,000 times (video). When it could be used for the good of the people, her following could only mean good.

When Duterte became president, Uson quickly applied to be a volunteer for the Department of Social Welfare and Development, which is currently under the progressive leadership of Sec. Judy Taguiwalo. In between gigs, she takes time to discuss and interview militant leaders and attend protest activities.

She visited the Kampuhan sa UP Diliman where the national minorities and Moros stayed during their Manilakbayan. In her Facebook page she said, “Dapat ay managot ang dapat managot sa nangyaring ito! Para sa akin, kahit anong rason, wala man silang permit o tinangkang agawin ang sasakyan ng pulis, hindi pa din nararapat na sagasaan ang mga rallyista ng paulit ulit na parang hindi mga tao ang tinatamaan niya.”

9. Vivian Velez

The year 2016 was also a time when the entertainment industry lost colleagues of their own mainly due to health issues which include Filipino horror film pillar Lilia Cuntapay and action villain Dick Israel.

Stars do not shine forever. For actress Vivian Velez, it is apt to say so. Velez, along with Nadia Montenegro and fellow celebrities, lead the Damay Kamay Foundation which primarily aims to support the medical needs of the people who work on and off camera through donations and various projects.

The seasoned actress likened the situation of those working in the entertainment industry with the country’s glaring problem of rampant contractualization. Since many people who work in the showbiz industry are hired like contractual workers, many, if not all, don’t have medical benefits and don’t fully enjoy their right to work as regular employees. She called on the Duterte administration to swiftly address the contractualization problem in the country joining the strong clamor of the Filipino workers.

The administration’s promise to end contractualization is yet to be realized.

10. John Lloyd Cruz

We continue to have John Lloyd Cruz at his best when the Philippine labor is at its worst.

Cruz agreed with the growing sentiment to create labor unions in the entertainment industry at a time when organized labor is attacked by neoliberal policies such as labor flexibilization (i.e. contractualization, labor only contracting, just in time, casualization).

In an interview with the Philippine Daily Inquirer he said, “Producers and network people think of it (union) as something negative. It’s actually a good thing. From the world itself, it will unite the industry. It will protect not just the actors and crew members, but also writers and members of the creative team.”

Here are the top people’s issues and people’s struggles of 2016.

1. Repudiation of Daang Matuwid

The defeat of the Liberal Party’s presidential candidate reflected the seething rage of the people toward the corrupt, inept and callous regime of Daang Matuwid. President Noynoy Aquino started his term in 2010 with a popular mandate but he squandered his legacy when his government expanded the presidential pork, boosted Public-Private-Partnerships to the detriment of ordinary consumers, bungled the post-Yolanda rehabilitation program, and intensified the militarization in mining and plantation areas. Not surprisingly, Aquino’s anointed successor was overwhelmingly rejected by voters.

2. Rise of Rodrigo Duterte

He was the last to announce his bid for the presidency and he initially lacked a national political machinery to support his candidacy but Duterte’s non-traditional ways of campaigning endeared him to the public. His phenomenal victory was historic: the first Mindanaon president and the first ‘Leftist’ to occupy the Malacanang Palace. Duterte was seen by many as an outsider who can lead the masses in challenging the Establishment. His victory was a ‘protest vote’ against the oppressive and anti-poor political system.

3. Climate injustice

The prolonged dry season caused by El Niño has exacerbated incidences of hunger, poverty, and deprivation in the countryside. Farmers and other food producers in Mindanao were seeking the urgent release of calamity funds but their desperate pleading was dismissed by bureaucratic gobbledygook and state brutality. The Philippines is vulnerable to the harsh impact of climate change but the situation is made worse by extreme poverty and inequality, bad governance, and environment plunder. Meanwhile, tropical storms wrought havoc in the Bicol region during the last quarter of the year.

4. K-12: Senior High School

Despite the obvious unpreparedness of the education department, the senior high school (SHS) component of K-12 (it should have been named ‘TESDA in High School’) was implemented last June. The number of drop-outs was high even if this was denied by authorities, learning modules were inadequate or inaccurate, and many college teachers in private schools lost their jobs. But the corporate sector found K-12 as a lucrative potential, with tuition in SHS as high or double the rates in college. In addition, the K-12 curriculum directly promotes the labor export policy which would negatively affect the country’s human capital in the succeeding years.

5. #CHexit

China’s bully behavior in the West Philippine Sea was officially recorded in the proceedings of The Permanent Court of Arbitration. The legal victory of the Philippines is part of the continuing struggle of the Filipino people to assert our sovereignty in our lands and territorial waters. Duterte eventually adopted a different strategy in dealing with China but it should not invalidate or undermine the historic significance of the PCA ruling.

6. Oplan Tokhang: The bloody ‘War on Drugs’

Duterte’s ambitious promise to get rid of the drug menace in six months has emboldened the police to launch an aggressive anti-drug campaign. The police claimed that they killed 2,206 drug personalities but they also acknowledged that there were 4,049 victims of vigilante-style killings. More than a million people have already surrendered to authorities but drug-related extrajudicial killings continue to victimize mainly the poor and powerless. Duterte was initially right to run after the big time protectors of drug lords but the campaign soon relapsed into a killing frenzy in urban poor communities and political circus performed by traditional politicians. The ‘War on Drugs’ is bound to fail if the militarist approach will remain dominant instead of addressing the socio-economic needs of the people.

7. Resumption of peace talks with communist rebels

Duterte’s decision to resume the stalled peace negotiations between the government and communist rebels has raised the prospects of achieving just and lasting peace in Philippine society. Duterte endorsed the release of communist leaders and affirmed his support for the previously signed peace documents. The rebels, on the other hand, reciprocated by declaring a unilateral ceasefire. But the earlier optimism to expedite the peace talks has been replaced by less enthusiasm because of the continuing deployment of government troops in rebel-controlled villages, the non-release of political prisoners (especially the sick and elderly), and the impasse on the framework of the socio-economic reforms.

8. Neoliberal economics

There were moments in 2016 when some aspects of neoliberalism became part of mainstream political agenda. During the campaign period, presidential candidates were unanimous in criticizing the dehumanizing features of the contractualization (Endo) labor practice. When he assumed the presidency, Duterte reaffirmed his commitment to end Endo. Duterte also vowed to dismantle the reign of oligarchs. But Duterte’s economic advisers turned out to be fanatical followers of neoliberalism as they espoused the continuation of PPP, the adoption of a win-win formula (read: pro-business) on contractualization, the planned imposition of higher regressive taxes, and the refusal to hike pension and minimum wages. Duterte’s support base among the poor will weaken if his macroeconomic policies will continue to be biased in favor of the elite and big foreign business.

9. #MarcosNoHero

The biggest rally of the year was triggered by Duterte’s collaboration with the Marcoses to bury the former dictator Ferdinand Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani. The real aim of the Marcoses is to revise the judgment of history which would allow them to return to power in the future. Duterte underestimated public protests and the emergence of the millennials as an influential voice opposing the hero’s burial for the deposed dictator.

10. Sandugo

The most inspiring political moment of 2016 was the grand assembly of various ethnic groups from all over the country which led to the formation of Sandugo, a national alliance espousing the protection of the cultural heritage of indigenous peoples and their right to self-determination. Sandugo is the new icon of indigenous peoples, a united community resisting foreign aggression and state-sponsored violence. Sandugo eschews the exotic stereotype of national minorities, and instead highlights the struggle of their people in defense of their ancestral domain and culture.

11. Donald Trump

His victory confounded and disturbed many people especially immigrants, people of color, and the LGBT community. A conservative leader accused of promoting racist and misogynist views. Despite his image as a corporate tycoon, he was able to gather the support of ordinary voters who felt that the system is not working for them. What will happen once Trump becomes President Trump this month? How will a Trump presidency maintain American hegemony in world affairs? Will he openly support the alleged plot to oust Duterte? Will he deport migrants and foreigners from the US, 3.4M of them Filipinos, and expose the insolvency of the American dream?

12. The Left in Cabinet

A peasant leader overseeing the government’s land distribution program? Unthinkable in the past, but thanks to Duterte’s unprecedented invitation to the Left to work with his government, we now have prominent progressives in the Cabinet. This is also an opportunity for the Left to prove their new brand of leadership and demonstrate their sincerity to fight for the rights and welfare of ordinary Filipinos, whether they are marching in the streets or making laws in Congress, and now implementing policies in the executive branch.

13. Independent foreign policy

Duterte, like no other President the country ever had, hit back at comments and criticisms of the US of how the Philippines is being ran by deploring US in its crimes to the country and the people when we were its direct colony. This sparked spats of nationalism and finally openly addressed continuing US domination and spurred interest in what could be an independent foreign policy. There should be no debate about this issue because it is a basic principle of governance. But after decades of colonial indoctrination, many intellectuals are fearful and doubtful about asserting this principle. Some are even distorting the concept by describing it as a mere anti-American policy or a pro-China initiative. Duterte’s stance to assert the Filipino interest vis-a-vis global superpowers is admirable but it must be matched by concrete actions like the abrogation of unequal military treaties and economic agreements.

14. Human rights violations

Duterte’s human rights record is an international embarrassment. The culture of impunity with respect to state-sponsored killings has worsened under his term. Aside from the drug-related killings mentioned earlier, political killings of activists, journalists, and Lumad leaders did not end under the Duterte presidency. The military is even using the anti-drug campaign to justify the harassment of peasant leaders suspected of supporting rebel groups. There are still more than 400 political prisoners in the country. Duterte’s legislative priorities such as the restoration of death penalty and the lowering of minimum age of criminal responsibility also threaten to undermine the rights of people.

5. Fake news

People cried out to fake news in social media at the time of the US elections, but in the Philippines it has become a concern a bit earlier, most alarmingly also during the the May elections. Fake news is a global dilemma that also affected the country’s political landscape. Various political groups compete for social media attention by maximizing or exploiting the Internet. Some of their loyal supporters are even spreading misinformation and other irresponsible propaganda tactics just to tilt public opinion in their favor. Corporate-led propaganda continues to be dominant, vicious, and slanted as ever but 2016 was the year when online fake news succeeded in influencing the political discourse in a massive way.

16. ‘Free tuition’

Is it really free? Is it really for all? The details of this landmark policy will continue to be debated this year. Stakeholders are not yet finished in determining the applicability of this policy in schools across the country. But a big obstacle was breached in the fight for a free tertiary education. Lawmakers and education officials, reared in the neoliberal school of thought which disavows the giving away of subsidies, have finally articulated the relevance of providing free tuition to college students.

The struggle continues…

The year 2016 in Philippine mainstream news reporting saw a maelstrom of events that ranged from Rodrigo Duterte’s presidential victory to late dictator Ferdinand Marcos’ burial at the Libingan ng mga Bayani.

In the natural ebb and flow of Philippine current events, there lay an undercurrent of significant issues that did not receive the surge of corporate media coverage they ought to have.

Here are the top 10 underreported issues of 2016.

1. Activist and media killings in the guise of the drug war

We already know the drill. In the morning or evening news the anchors round up the number of drug suspects killed either in legitimate police operations or by so-called vigilantes.

It is bad enough that the bodies and numbers pile up without us, the public, actually hearing investigations being completed and perpetrators brought to justice as much as we are not hearing sharp analyses pinpointing the reasons why suspected people use or peddle illegal drugs in the first place, or if the war on drugs that has left 6,000 dead is actually curbing drug abuse. What makes Rodrigo Duterte’s drug war worse is that it has made criminals out of media workers and activists.

The first recorded casualty is environmental and youth activist Joselito Pasaporte, who was shot in Compostela Valley in October. Just last month, tri-wheel driver Joel Lising was shot once in the head and six times in the body by unidentified men. Lising was an active member of Pagkakaisa ng mga Tri-wheels para sa Kabuhayan (PATOK), an organization resisting Manila City’s plan of phasing out tri-wheels and replacing them with e-trikes.

Read: Manila tri-wheel driver and association officer is latest activist EJK victim

Publisher Larry Que of Catanduanes News Now was shot three weeks ago after the community newspaper published an article criticizing local provincial officials about one of the biggest shabu labs raided by the police. Pangasinan radio commentator Virgilio Maganes narrowly escaped death after being gunned down by motorcycle-riding men. As Maganes pretended to be dead, another man placed a cardboard bearing the words, “Drug pusher, huwag pamarisan” [Drug pusher, don’t emulate].

2. Ceasefire violations amid GRP’s unilateral ceasefire declaration

What was trumpeted as Rodrigo Duterte’s “explosive news” during his first State of the Nation Address wasn’t the big change we thought was coming, as human rights group Karapatan reports several cases of ceasefire violations perpetrated by the armed forces.

While the unilateral ceasefire declarations of both the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the National Democratic Front are still in effect, fully armed soldiers have entered communities to conduct peace and development operations or anti-drug check-ups under the armed forces’ counter-insurgency program Oplan Bayanihan. Locals have reported the same soldiers subjecting suspected New People’s Army supporters to psy-war and harassment. The arrest of NPA fighters and the death of Jimmy Saypan, peasant activist and NPA supporter (as the military says) warrant the claim that soldiers still conduct military operations despite the armed forces declaring suspension of military offensives. Paramilitary groups continue to sow fear among the Lumad in Davao del Norte and Surigao provinces.

While mainstream media reportage on the ceasefire and the peace talks is timely, news on this remains to be on the surface level. Why is there armed conflict? Why the need for a ceasefire to bolster the peace talks? Or can the GRP and NDF talk peace and still have their guns? These are the questions left unanswered, or not asked at all by the media.

3. The state of the country’s political prisoners

Along the same wave as the peace talks between the GRP and the NDF are the neglected state of more than 400 political prisoners in the country.

Read: Ten reasons why political prisoners should be released

We did not hear about the death of ailing Eduardo Serrano last January, who was about to be released as trumped-up charges against him were dropped one by one by the courts. He languished under harsh jail conditions for 11 years. We did not hear the anger and disappointment in the voice of Bernabe Ocasla’s daughter Choan as she together with human rights defenders picketed at the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process for allowing her father to be imprisoned seven years before suffering a fatal heart attack.

Read: Release of political prisoners is a life and death matter

The last week of November kept busy news outfits who churned out news after news about late dictator Ferdinand Marcos’ burial at the Libingan ng mga Bayani. Around this time, calls for the immediate release of political prisoners as well as nationwide hunger strikes intensified. But instead of allotting airtime for this, news execs instead chose to air reports about Sandro Marcos’ Twitter posts and his lasting friendship with Jake Ejercito despite his grandfather’s hero’s burial.

4. The chronic traffic crisis in Metro Manila

Aside from drug-related killings, police raids, and reports culled from police and CCTV videos, the usual news round-up includes the worsening traffic situation in Metro Manila. Although news is abundant with man-on-street interviews and other similar forms of reporting the traffic crisis, we are fed with information that we already know. What we do still don’t know are the underlying factors contributing to heavy traffic, the viable solutions to the problem, and the possible results of granting emergency powers to President Duterte.

Activist-writer Michael Beltran presents research data showing that the country’s socio-economic conditions directly affect Manila traffic. He also warns the public of the trade-offs that come with the president’s emergency powers, should these be given.

One traffic solution proposed by both commuters and government leaders is to focus on mass transportation like the MRT and LRT. However, controversies hounded the Manila railway system, particularly on the common station controversy.

Mainstream media did a meagre job of reporting these issues by lacking analyses and commentary on the construction of the MRT 3, LRT 2, and MRT 7 common station, which involved concerned government entities giving concessions to favor Ayala and SM malls and businesses.

5. Continuing demolitions in urban and rural communities

President Duterte’s declaration of suspending demolitions until proper relocation is provided has already been broken several times in 2016.

While urban poor group Kadamay says that the issue of housing has its roots in the country’s socio-economic quagmire, Duterte’s earlier statement regarding relocation gives a chance for residents to pursue legal action and gain collective strength against unlawful demolition practices. This kind of analysis is absent in media reports on urban development and housing.

Kadamay reported several demolition cases in both urban and rural areas last year, including a land-grabbing issue in Maragondon, Cavite, by Henry Sy and local landlord Virata family.

Last November, a shot was fired at the Kadamay Malabon Chapter office by unidentified men, while informal settlers’ homes in Pangarap Village, North Caloocan were set to fire by suspected members of the military.

6. Election malfunctions

Commission on Elections chair Andres Bautista is in hot water for the data leak that compromised the personal data of over 16 million Filipinos. Aside from that, Comelec faced criticism over blunders during the May 9 elections, including difficulty of finding voter precincts, hot and congested polling areas, and non-functioning or malfunctioning vote-counting machines. Some voters had to leave their ballots and just trusted the election officer to feed the ballots into the VCM once they started working again. Because of the delay, around 1.5 to 2 million people left the polling precincts without having voted at all.

Former Comelec commissioner Gus Lagman admitted that the country’s automated election system obtained by the government from foreign company Smartmatic is “vulnerable to internal tampering.”

However widespread the election coverage was by mainstream media outfits, the reports mainly focused on numbers – like how many VCMs malfunctioned or which areas voting got delayed – and not so much on the implications and prospects of using an automated electoral system made and ran by foreign businesses from a country with great political, economic and military interests in one of the Philippines’ most manifest exercises of democracy.

7. Lumad issues

Except for the police dispersal at the U.S. Embassy in October last year (with its violent nature the stuff of sensationalized reporting), mainstream media failed to deliver in-depth reports on several issues plaguing the Lumad and Philippine indigenous peoples. If it were not also for the harrowing, blatant police harassment of protesters, it would not have been reported that the indigenous peoples have trooped to the country’s capital, were on their sixth day in the metro, and were seeking redress for their grievances.

On December 2016, Datu Gombil Mansimuy-at and 15 others from Davao del Norte died due to pneumonia and diarrhea. The local government of Davao and non-government organizations say that since their return in November 2016, the Lumad have been facing health, sanitation, and agricultural problems and are adjusting to new, unfamiliar conditions in their town in Talaingod after having been away for more than two years. Members of the Talaingod community fled after military harassment in April 2014. Even before that time and even up to now, the Lumad have been actively defending their right to their ancestral land and self-determination, and for that they endure harassment, torture, and death from the hands of those sworn to protect and serve the interests of the people .

8. Hunger and militarization hounding the peasant sector

That the Philippines is mainly an agricultural country must constantly (and purposely?) slip the minds of our executives and lawmakers, such that there is a lack of government policies and measures that uplift the peasant sector. Instead, we see an influx of mining enterprises, agribusiness ventures, and plantations primarily for export.

Because of sustained collective action from farmers and farmworkers, several violent incidents continuing to defeat genuine land reform have been recorded by the Unyon ng mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura, including the shooting of banana workers by security guards of Lapanday Foods Corporation in Tagum City; the forced eviction of Hacienda Luisita tillers from their collective bungkalan; and the police dispersal of farmers demanding rice that left two dead and many others wounded, an incident now remembered as the Kidapawan shooting.

In November, farmers and fisherfolk from the Visayas journeyed to Manila in what was dubbed the Lakbayan ng Visayas. Around a thousand delegates held dialogues, protests, and teach-ins at concerned government agencies and schools. Their call? Proper rehabilitation for typhoon-struck provinces that are experiencing hunger – including unfinished housing and financial projects for Yolanda survivors – government support for vast farmlands attacked by pests, and an end to militarization in almost all Visayas regions.

We didn’t hear any of these peasant-initiated demonstrations and educational undertakings. The Kidapawan shooting landed a few news spots for several days, but we got as many (or even more) slanted reports favoring the police, local officials and Liberal Party members (when Mar Roxas’ electoral campaign connection came into play) as those who were exposing the story and seeking justice for the farmers as media should be all about public trust and social justice. Déjà vu, Hacienda Luisita?

9. Never-ending endo and unfair labor practices

Working conditions in the Philippines loomed well during the early part of 2016 with presidential frontrunner Duterte promising an end to contractualization; however, with the release of the labor department’s win-win solution proposal and later the Department Order 30 (DO 30), it seems like the end for endo is still far from sight.

Comprehensive reporting is absent from the daily news, especially on laws and policies that allow the existence of unfair labor practices.

There is also immense misinformation about what is contractualization, workers themselves not knowing the rigmaroles of this and especially their labor and economic rights, especially at this juncture that the ‘win-win’ solution and the DO 30 aim only to wipe out contractualization in name.

The same conditions apply for workers in the television and film industry, in spite of the Department of Labor and Employment’s advisory setting an 8-12 hour working day. In a press briefing last month, DOLE secretary Silvestre Bello recognized that TV and film workers receive meager salaries, have no benefits, and lack security of tenure.

Some segments proudly relayed news of international wins by filmmaker Lav Diaz and actress Jaclyn Jose, but failed to give more time to report labor struggles waged (and won) by talents behind the camera.

10. Philippine independent foreign policy

For his numerous unprecedented statements throughout 2016, topping last year’s list of newsmakers is no less than President Duterte. He lashed out on the U.S. for criticizing his war on drugs, cried justice for the millions killed in the Filipino-American War, threatened to abrogate PH-US military pacts, ordered American troops out of Mindanao, and convinced us of the need to create our own independent foreign policy. Then after all this, he allowed the continuation of the Visiting Forces Agreement and the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, and permitted 250 military exercises in the Philippines in 2017, including the annual Balikatan exercises between the US and Philippine military.

The media was abuzz with talk about independent foreign policy, but all this touched only the tip of the iceberg, without actually looking beneath the waters. Progressive groups have been constantly calling an end to imperialist incursions by the US in the Philippines, and it seems they have reason to do so – ties between America and our country have so far been limited to subjecting the latter to unfair economic, political, and military conditions. Still, there is still a lot to tell the public about true independence, territorial and economic sovereignty—cusps of nationhood—that we do not discuss in media and does not help inform the public so they may have their own opinion. Duterte’s patriotic rhetoric could have been the (long-awaited) jump off point.

The peace talks between the Government of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) resumed in August 2016 after more than five years of impasse. Upon the election of President Rodrigo Duterte, vocal about his desire to achieve peace for the country and end the almost half century rebellion, the GRP panel agreed to reaffirm all previously signed agreements and the release of NDFP peace consultants and all other political prisoners as a matter of upholding previously signed agreements.

More than seven months after much optimism for Duterte’s promise of release of political prisoners, only the first batch of 17 consultants and 2 political prisoners based on humanitarian grounds were released. These releases were made before the first round of talks could commence. After this and after the GRP repeatedly going back and forth on the promise, no other political prisoner has been released.

No sitting administration has given as many promises to release political prisoners as the current one, even only seven months in office. Would the Duterte government release the political prisoners after all? As a matter of justice, as an obligation to the peace talks, or maybe even just for palabra de honor?

We trace the Duterte government’s promise to release political prisoners.

May 23, 2016 press conference

On releasing Benito and Wilma Tiamzon, tagged Chairperson and Secretary-General of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) respectively, President-elect Rodrigo Duterte said: “I might decide to just free them before the talks. Okay ako. Lahat, basta we deal in good faith. (All prisoners as long as we deal in good faith).”

The Tiamzon couple, along with 17 other NDFP consultants and those protected by the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees were released just right before the August 22 first round of talks under the Duterte administration. Right out of jail, the 19 flew out of the country to participate in the peace talks in Oslo, Norway.

On releasing political prisoners before a final peace agreement is reached, Duterte said: “Basta sabi ko kung mayroon nang talks. Before the resolution, hindi kailangan tapusin, in good faith ba. Show of confidence building. Oo sige, bitawan ko na kayo, mag-usap tayo dito.”

(I said, I will release as long as there are talks. I will release prisoners even before the resolution of talks, in good faith. Show of confidence building. Okay, I will let you go, let’s talk.)

After the initial 19 and after two rounds of talks and the third one coming up in January, no other political prisoner has been released.

June 14-15, 2016 exploratory talks in Oslo

After the two-day exploratory talks, the GRP and the NDFP parties agreed that the government panel would recommend to Duterte the immediate release of all NDFP consultants and other JASIG-protected individuals so that they can participate in the resumption of the peace negotiations

The GRP and NDFP peace panels signed the June 15 Oslo Joint Statement in Oslo, Norway on June 15. The document laid down the five-point agenda in the resumption of the peace negotiations.

June 23, 2016

GRP Peace Panel Chair Silvestre Bello III: We seek the release of political prisoners who are reportedly covered by JASIG (Joint Agreement on Security and Immunity Guarantees). Those who are elderly and sick will also be released on humanitarian considerations.

As of this time, human rights group Karapatan lists 543 political prisoners all over the country, among them 18 NDFP consultants. Of the number, 130 are sickly, 33 are elderly, and 33 are women.

June 30,2016 inauguration speech in Malacañang Palace

President Rodrigo Duterte speech: “On the domestic front, my administration is committed to implement all signed peace agreements in step with constitutional and legal reforms.”

Between the GRP and the NDFP, one such agreement is The Hague Declaration of 1992 that set forth the four substantive agenda (human rights, social and economic reforms, political and constitutional reforms and end of hostilities and disposition of forces) of the talks before a final peace agreement is reached and a recognition of parity to not cow one or the other to capitulation and abandoning the quest to address the roots of the armed conflict, the ultimate aim of the peace negotiations. Another the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL), the first (yet only) substantive agenda that the two parties have reached an agreement in 24 years of negotiations and relevant to the recognition that political offenses not be criminalized. The reaffirmation of JASIG should carry with it a recognition wrongful arrests and detentions committed by past administrations and the need to rectify this unjust situation.

August 15, 2016

In a dialogue in Malacanang with the NDFP delegation, Duterte said he wanted to release more political prisoners. He was also heard to have said, ‘I had been a prosecutor for many years and I know that these things happen. I will stop that policy and practice.’

August 22-26, 2016 first round of talks in Oslo

The first round of talks ended with the GRP and NDFP agreeing on all five points in the agenda.

The first agenda is the affirmation of previously signed agreements. The second agenda as the “accelerated process for negotiations, including the timeline for the completion of the remaining substantive agenda for the talks.” The third agenda was the reconstitution of the JASIG list. The fourth agenda was the amnesty proclamation for the release of all political prisoners, subject to concurrence of Congress. The fifth agenda evolved around the mode of the interim ceasefire, which would include mechanisms and coverage of the agreement.

The GRP declared an indefinite unilateral ceasefire on August 22, while the NDFP’s own indefinite unilateral ceasefire commenced on August 26. The two parties agreed to come up with a draft of the unified, bilateral ceasefire agreement in 60 days, contingent upon the delivery of commitments in the talks.

September 26, 2016

A month after the first round of the formal peace talks, Duterte presided the meeting with the GRP and NDFP panels in Malacañang Palace. Both panels gave their updates on the development of the talks that was held in Oslo, Norway.

It was also Duterte’s first meeting with the newly-released NDFP consultants.

October 2016 second round of talks

After the first round of talks and the releases prior it, no other political prisoners were released. The matter was taken up once more in the second round of peace talks on October 6 to 9, 2016.

The signed Joint Statement after the peace talks agreed on the three matters (1) political prisoners, (2) Amnesty Proclamation and (3) the next round of talks. On the political prisoners, the Joint Statement read:

“The Parties reviewed the Joint Oslo Statements dated June 15 and August 26, 2016 on the issue of the immediate release of detained prisoners listed by the NDFP, giving premium on those prisoners who will be released based on humanitarian grounds. They also reviewed the circumstances and status of JASIG-protected NDFP consultants.

They took good note of the positive steps so far taken, including the finalization of the Revised Guidelines on the Presidential Committee on Bail, Recognizance and Pardon, and agreed to accelerate the process consistent with the Parties’ common resolve.

They also agreed that the presidential clemency for and release of three remaining JASIG-protected consultants, Eduardo Sarmiento, Emeterio Antalan and Leopoldo Caloza, shall be expedited. The GRP shall release the prisoners who are listed by the NDFP in accordance with the CARHRIHL pending the approval of the proposed amnesty for their benefit.

The GRP Panel affirms its commitment to work for the release of these prisoners in expeditious and acceptable modes.”

November 30, 2016

Bello vowed to release some 50-70 political prisoners before the International Human Rights Day on December 10 in a press conference at the Royal Mandaya Hotel in Davao City.

The CPP, however, said the mere 50 release is an unacceptable token. Further, they gave the Philippine government up to January to free all 432 political prisoners in the country or “forego the possibility of forging a bilateral cease fire agreement” and “risk cutting short as well the mutual interim cease fire declarations.”

Said ultimatum issued by the CPP prompted Duterte to set a meeting with NDFP representatives, particularly the Tiamzon couple, in the coming days.

December 1, 2016

After the death of the ailing nine-year detained, 66-year old peasant leader Bernabe Ocasla, Bello said that “The more than 400 political prisoners will be released in due time.”

He also said, “It was unfortunate that it happened just as we are working for the release of the elderly, sick and long detained NDF members on humanitarian grounds.”

December 3, 2016

President Duterte met with NDFP officials in Davao City on December 3. In the meeting, Duterte agreed to release 130 political prisoners “as soon as poosible” or “before the start of the January peace talks.” The number 130 refer to the elderly and the sick among the more than 400 political prisoners at this time.

Present in the meeting that also tackled the Marcos burial and the war on drugs were NDFP peace panel chair Fidel Agcaoili, panel member Benito Tiamzon, peace consultant Wilma Tiamzon and Bayan Muna Representative Carlos Isagani Zarate, also the Vice Chairman of the Special Committee on Peace, Reconciliation and Unity at the House of Representatives

December 5, 2016

At the traditional lighting of a Christmas tree at the Malacañang grounds, Duterte said he will release elderly and ailing political prisoners before Christmas Day. He said, “If they are ready to be released and will be accepted by their families, i-release ko na before Christmas time. There’s really no point in detaining a person na matanda na tapos may sakit.”

In a matter of two days, Duterte upended the promise of releasing 130 political prisoners he made to NDFP representative only two days earlier. He said: “Now they are asking for release of 130 political prisoners. Ang sabi ko I cannot. I cannot give you that. I’m sorry but I have already conceded so much on the side of the government.”

He gave a condition for the release of 130 or more political prisoners, saying ”But if you can show me a document signed by the Republic of the Philippines representatives and the communist, then I will release the 130 plus more.”

December 6, 2016

Labor Secretary Silvestre Bello III, head of the government peace panel, said on this day that he met with Duterte on the night before and received clear instructions about the political prisoners.

“Produce to me a signed bilateral ceasefire agreement and I will release them within 48 hours. You can take my word for it,” Bello quoted Mr. Duterte as saying.

Taking up Duterte’s statement, NDFP Chief Political consultant Jose Maria Sison said that the signing of the bilateral ceasefire agreement by the GRP and NDFP panels can come ahead of the amnesty and release of all political prisoners by President Duterte but would be valid and effective only upon the actual release of political prisoners and upon the approval of the agreement by the GRP and NDFP principals.

“During the third round of formal talks in Rome in third week of January, President Duterte and I as CPP founding chairman and as authorized representative of the CC (Central Committee) of the CPP shall approve the (ceasefire) document,” Sison said.

“The GRP must keep its word of amnestying and releasing all the 434 political prisoners. Otherwise the CPP, NPA and NDFP would terminate any ceasefire agreement even if already signed at the level of the panels and shift to the mode of negotiating while fighting,” Sison said.

December 19, 2016

At the conferment of the presidential awards at Malacañang, Bello confirmed the government plan to release around 20 detainees before December 25, mostly sickly, elderly and women. He said they would be released, considering humanitarian grounds and bail recognizance. He also said the one to three of the 20 might even join the peace talks in January.

December 26, 2016

Attending the peace rally and the anniversary of the CPP on the outskirts of Duterte’s hometown Davao City, Bello again assured the release of the political prisoners before the end of the year, “hopefully 17 to 20.”

Bello also said that the releases on humanitarian reasons will also push through and that “it is just a matter of time.”

Labas sa mga trending topics na ipinalaganap ng kulturang popular (pop culture) at mainstream media sa taong 2016, hindi nagpahuli ang kilusang masa sa pagpapalaganap ng mga hashtags sa iba’t ibang social media platforms gaya ng Facebook, Twitter, Instagram at iba pa upang patampukin ang samu’t saring mga isyu, pakikibaka at laban ng mamamayan noong nakaraang taon.

Naging maingay at pinag-usapan hindi lang sa loob ng bansa kundi maging sa Worldwide trends ang ilang mga hashtag topics na binitbit ng iba’t ibang mga progresibong organisasyong masa.

Namaksimisa sa pagpapalaganap ng mga mahahalagang usaping pambayan at usapin ng mga marginalized sectors sa lipunan ang mga hashtags at social media nitong nakaraang taon. Susi sa epektibidad at lawak ng naabot nito sa hanay ng mga netizens ang mahusay na pagdama at pagbihag sa sentimyento ng panggitnang uri na may hawak sa opinyong publiko, dati sa trdisyunal na media at ngayon, maging sa social media.  Naging mabisang daluyan din ng mga panawagan at pagsusuri sa mga maraming usapin ang social media sa pamamagitan ng mga trending hashtags noong 2016.

Ang pagiging trending din ng mga hashtags na ito ang dahilan kung bakit nailalathala at naibrodkas ang mga kampanya at pakikibakang masang ito sa mainstream media. Bukod sa pagpasok nito sa mga balita sa mga dominanteng pahayagan, radyo, telebisyon at internet ay niyakap ito ng masa at nakapanghikayat sa kanilang kumilos sa abot ng kanilang kakayanin.

Narito ang sampung hashtags na tumatak sa kilusang masa sa taong 2016:

#MRTBulok

Nagmistulang mabisang ulatan ng bayan ang social media sa kanilang mga reklamo hinggil sa bulok na mga pasilidad at sistema ng mass transport, partikular ang MRT at LRT. Nitong 2016, nagpatuloy ang paggamit ng mga naperwisyong mga mananakay ng MRT at LRT ang hashtag na #MRTBulok upang iparating sa kinauukulan, maging sa mga kapwa nila netizens ang mga usapin ng mahahabang pila, nasiraang bagon ng tren, hindi sumasarang mga pintuan ng tren, tumutulong tubig at maraming iba pa.

Reklamo ng marami, walang nagbago sa pamamalakad sa MRT at sa mga bulok at kulang-kulang nitong pasilidad gayong taong 2015 pa nang magtaas ng singil ng pasahe ang Department of Transportation and Communication (DOTC) at LRT Authority. Samu’t saring protesta na rin ang nailunsad ng iba’t ibang mga grupo kaugnay nito.

Mas tumampok ang hashtag na #MRTBulok nang mapabalitang hinuli ng mga gwardya ng MRT sa Quezon Avenue ang aktibista at commuter rights advocate na si Angelo Suarez noong Agosto 23, 2016 dahil diumano sa pagsusulat nito ng “MRT BULOK” sa isang tren ng MRT. Kahit walang direktang ebidensya, kinasuhan at ikinulong pa rin si Suarez at pinalaya na lamang kinabukasan.

#EndContractualization

Hindi rin nagpahuli ang manggagawang Pilipino sa pagtutulak ng kanilang adbokasiya laban sa kontraktwalisasyon o “endo” sa larangan ng social media. Gamit ang hashtag na #EndContractualization, ipinahayag nila ang kanilang mga sentimyento at pagsingil sa nabibinbing pangako ni Pangulong Duterte na wawakasan nito ang “endo” sa unang anim na buwan ng kanyang panunungkulan.

Gamit din ang hashtag na ito, mas tumampok ang pagsasamantala sa mga manggagawang kontraktwal at mas naipakita sa madla kung sinu-sinong mga kompanya ang mayroong malalaking bilang ng mga kontraktwal na manggagawa na pinangungunahan ni Henry Sy na may humigit kumulang 40,000 kontraktwal na empleyado at sinusundan ng PLDT ni Manny Pangilinan na may 29,000 kontraktwal at Jollibee Foods Corporation ni Tony Tan Caktiong na may 28,000 na manggagawang kontraktwal.

Tampok din sa taong 2016 ang pagkakapanalo ng mga kontraktwal na manggagawa ng higanteng kompanya sa mass media na GMA kung saan idineklara ng National Labor Relations Center o NLRC na regular na mga empleyado ng GMA na kasapi ng Talents Association of GMA-7 o TAG.

#TheChangeWeNeed

Ang #TheChangeWeNeed ang hashtag na ipinantapat sa islogang “Change is Coming” na bitbit ng administrasyong Duterte sa kanyang pag-upo sa kapangyarihan. Nagsilbing daluyan ang hashtag na ito upang maiparating ng simpleng mamamayan ang kanilang mga nais na pagbabagong maramdaman sa loob ng anim na taong panunungkulan ng bagong gobyerno na nangako ng pagbabago.

Isinabay ang pagpapalaganp ng nasabing hashtag habang inihahanda ng Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan) ang isang National People’s Summit sa Maynila noong Hunyo 29, 2016 bago ang inagurasyon ni Pangulong Duterte. Sa nasabing pagtitipon, malaki ang naitulong ng mga nakalap na mga kahilingan ng mamamayan gamit ang #TheChangeWeNeed upang isama sa inihandang “People’s Agenda for Change” na iniabot mismo kay Duterte.

Umabot pa hanggang sa unang State of the Nation Address (SONA) ni Duterte noong Hulyo 25, 2016 at sa ika-100 araw nito sa pwesto noong Oktubre 7, 2016 ang paggamit ng #TheChangeWeNeed upang makuha pang higit ang pulso ng mamamayan hinggil sa mga usapin sa ekonomiya, patakarang panlipunan, kapayapaan, karapatang pantao, pambansang soberanya at patakarang panlabas ng administrasyong Duterte.

#FreeAllPoliticalPrisoners

Upang gunitain ang Pandaigdigang Araw ng Karapatang Pantao para sa taong 2016 at ipanawagan ng grupong Karapatan ang pagpapalaya sa mahigit 400 na mga bilanggong pulitikal sa buong bansa, inilunsad at itinirik ang #FreeAllPoliticalPrisoners Solidarity Fasting Center sa paanan mismo ng Mendiola simula Disyembre 3-10. Layon nitong itulak ang administrasyong Duterte na tuparin ang ipinangako nitong pagpapalaya ng lahat ng mga bilanggong pulitikal.

Umani rin ng malakas na suporta ang kampanyang ito maging sa social media nang gamitin ng mga netizens ang hashtag na #FreeAllPoliticalPrisoners. Unang ginamit ang hashtag na ito noong nakaraang taon simula pa lamang nang maupo si Pangulong Duterte nang sinabi nitong sisimulan na ang usapang pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng gobyerno ng Pilipinas at ng National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). Matapos nito ay isa-isa nang pinalaya ang mga NDFP peace consultants kabilang ang mag-asawang Wilma Austria at Benito Tiamzon.

Hanggang sa kasalukuyan, patuloy ang panawagan para sa pagpapalaya ng mahigit sa 300 pang mga bilanggong pulitikal. At lalong paulit-ulit na lumulutang ang hashtag sa kada kapapangako ni Duterte at kanyang mga opisyal ng pagpapalaya sa mga bilanggong pulitikal.

Sunod-sunod din ang mga pangyayari na nag-udyok sa paulit-ulit na paglaganap ng hashtag na ito. Nobyembre 25 nang kinamatayan na ng bilanggong pulitikal na si Bernabe Ocasla, 66 sa Jose Reyes Memorial Hospital ang paghihintay sa kanyang kalayaan. Bagamat tila nagmamatigas pa si Duterte, sinabi naman nitong handa na niyang palayain di umano ang mga nakapiit pang mga matatanda na at mga maysakit. Bago ang taunang paggunita sa Pandaigdigang Araw ng Karapatang Pantao sa Disyembre 10, naglunsad ng isang linggong hunger strike at fasting ang mga bilanggong pulitikal, kanilang mga pamilya at tagasuporta at mga miyembro ng mga progresibong organisasyon. Sa anibersaryo naman ng Communist Party of the Philippines, nagdaos ng mga peace rallies sa iba’t ibang bahagi ng bansa at nanawagan ng pagpapalaya ng mga bilanggong pulitikal bilang pagsunod sa mga kasunduan sa peace talks.

#BigasHindiBala

Bigas ang hiningi ng gutom na mga magsasaka ng Kidapawan, ngunit bala ang ginanti sa kanila ng pamahalaan. Naglabasan ang maraming hashtag tugon sa usaping ito hanggang napag-isa ito sa #BigasHindiBala, matapos ang madugong dispersal sa kahabaan ng Cotabato-Davao Highway tanghali ng Abril 1, 2016. May 15,000 sako ng bigas ang matagal nang nakabinbing ibigay sa mga magsasakang ilang buwan nang biktima ng El Nino at nakararanas ng gutom. Kung kaya’t sila ay nagbarikada at nagprotesta upang igiit ang agarang pag-release ng relief goods na bigas.

Ilang oras lang matapos ang pandarahas ay naging Worldwide trending topic ang #BigasHindiBala sa Twitter. Umani ng simpatiya at tulong ang mga magsasaka mula sa mga netizens at ilang mga sikat na personalidad gaya nila Robin Padilla, Angel Locsin, Manny Pacquiao, Daniel Padilla, Bianca Gonzales, Aiza Seguerra at marami pang iba.

Bukod sa mga nakalap na suporta, nagsilbing inspirasyon ang social media campaign na #BigasHindiBala at nagmitsa ng iba pang mga katulad na barikada at porma ng pagkilos ang naitala sa iba’t ibang panig ng bansa upang magsama-sama ang mga biktima ng kagutuman at tagtuyot na maningil ng tulong mula sa pamahalaan.

#LakbayanPambansangMinorya

Oktubre 19, 2016 nang maganap marahas na dispersal sa pagkilos sa harapan ng US Embassy sa Maynila nang sagasaan ni PO3 Franklin Kho sa utos ni MPD Col. Marcelino Pedroso ang mga nagpoprotestang mga pambansang minorya na kasapi ng bagong tatag na alyansang Sandugo. Nasa ika-anim na araw noon ng #LakbayanPambansangMinorya nang maganap ang nasabing karahasan na lumikha ng ingay hindi lamang sa Pilipinas kundi maging sa labas ng bansa.

Bitbit ng mga pambansang minorya ang pagsuporta sa panawagan ni Pangulong Duterte para sa isang nagsasariling patakarang panlabas o independent foreign policy nang magtungo sila sa harapan ng embahada ng US. Mahigit isangdaan ang nasugatan at dinala sa mga pamagutan dahil sa insidente, kabilang ang 61 anyos na Lumad na si Baling Katubigan.

Sinundan pa ng araw-araw na protesta ng #LakbayanPambansangMinorya ang mahigit sa tatlong linggong pananatili ng mga lakbayani mula sa iba’t ibang panig ng bansa kabilang ang mga protesta sa opisina ng Department of Justice, National Commission on Indigenous People, Camp Crame, Camp Aguinaldo, Philippine Stocks Exchange at marami pang iba.

#StopTheKillings

Laman araw-araw ng mga balita ang kaliwa’t kanang patayan sa mga maralitang mga komunidad dahil sa “gera kontra droga” na pinasimulan ng gobyernong Duterte. Sa kasalukuyan, umaabot na sa halos 6,000 ang mga namamatay sa buong bansa.

Dahil dito, pinasimulan ang kampanya at hashtag na #StopTheKillings upang maging ugnayan ng pagtutol laban sa sunod-sunod na pagpatay. Ginagamit rin ang hashtag na ito upang manawagan ng pagrespeto sa buhay at pagtugon sa kahirapan na siyang ultimong ugat sa suliranin ng bansa sa iligal na droga.

Sa pagtatayo rin ng Stop The Killings Network at Rise Up For Life, nakapaglunsad na ng iba’t ibang mga aktibidad sa mga paaralan, komunidad at simbahan gaya ng #LightForLife candle-lighting, photo exhibits, inter-faith prayer gathering, noise barrage at rally sa opisina ng Department of Interior and Local Government sa Quezon City.

#MarcosNoHero

Naging maingay ang huling bahagi ng 2016 dahil sa pagbabasura ng Korte Suprema sa mga petisyon laban sa paglilibing kay dating Pangulong Ferdinand Marcos sa Libingan ng mga Bayani (LNMB).

Resulta nito, nag-anak ng malalaking pagkilos ang mamamayan sa pangnguna ng mga kabataan at estudyante sa iba’t ibang mga pamantasan gaya sa University of the Philippines, Ateneo de Manila University, De La Salle University, Adamson University, Far Eastern University at marami pang iba.

Nag-trending naman ang #MarcosNoHero at #BlackFriday noong Nobyembre 18, 2016 nang mismong araw ng paglilibing kay Marcos sa LNMB. Nasundan pa ito nang magsama-sama ang iba’t ibang mga organisasyon sa pangunguna ng Bayan at Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses to Malacanang (CARMMA) sa isang mas malaking pagkilos sa Luneta noong Nobyembre 25.

#CHexit

Nagsimula ang #CHexit sa isang protestang pinangunahan ng Bayan Metro Manila sa harapan ng konsulado ng Tsina sa Lungsod ng Makati noong Hulyo 11, 2016. Isinunod ang nasabing hashtag sa #Brexit o ang pagkalas ng Great Britain sa European Union na nangyari at sumikat sa buong mundo bago lang muling uminit ang usapin sa panghihimasok ng Tsina sa teritoryo ng Pilipinas.

Ang nasabing protesta noong Hulyo ay itinaon bago maglabas ng desisyon ang Permanent Court of Arbitration sa The Hague, Netherlands sa kaso ng pag-angkin ng Tsina sa South China Sea kabilang ang mga katubigan na sakop ng Pilipinas. Kinabukasan, inilabas ang desiyon na pumapabor sa Pilipinas na ipinagbunyi ng buong bansa. Naging daluyan na rin ng pagkakaisa para itulak ang matagal nang hinihintay na desisyong ito ang paggamit ng #CHexit sa social media.

Sa mahigit dalawang araw ay naging top trending topic ang #CHexit sa Pilipinas at sa Worldwide trend na lumikha ng ingay sa iba’t ibang malalaking mainstream media outfits sa loob at labas ng bansa.

#JustPeace

Pinakatampok na hashtag ngayong taon ang #JustPeace at ilang mga katulad na mga hashtags patungkol sa kampanya hinggil sa makatarungan at pangmatagalang kapayapaan at usapang pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng GRP at NDFP pagkapasok na pagkapasok pa lamang ng administrasyong Duterte. Kabilang sa mga kampanyang ito ay ang #JuanForPeace, #ActforPeace, #JustPeacePH at iba pa.

Sa kasalukuyan, natapos na ang dalawang rounds ng peace talks at may napipintong ikatlong pag-uusap ngayong Enero 2017. Bukod sa mga ilang napalayang mga peace consultants at pagkilala ng gobyernong Duterte sa mga napirmahan nang mga kasunduan sa nakaraan, layon ng nagaganap na usapang pangkapayapaan na resolbahin ang kahirapan na siyang ugat ng armadong tunggalian sa kanayunan.

Bunsod ng masigasig na kampanyang #JustPeace ay may mga City Resolutions sa Metro Manila na sumusuporta sa usapang pangkapayapaan na naipasa na sa iba’t ibang panig ng bansa. Nakapaglunsad na din ng iba’t ibang mga pagtitipon gaya ng mga peace forums, peace camps at iba pa upang ibayo pang palakasin ang panawagan para sa pangmatagalang kapayapaan na nakabatay sa katarungan.

Sa Pilipinas, pagpasok ng dekada ’90 nagsimulang lumawak ang kontraktwalisasyon sa paggawa dahil sa Herrera Law o mga rebisyon sa Labor Code ng bansa sa panahon ng dating pangulong Corazon Aquino. Partikular dito ay ang mga probisyon sa Artikulo 106-109 ng batas na nagbigay pahintulot sa contracting at sub-contracting.

Sa kasalukuyan ay tinatayang aabot na sa mahigit 50% hanggang 70% ng mga may trabaho ang hindi regular o kontraktwal. Samantala, iba-iba naman ang itsura at katawagan ng mga kontraktwal na mga manggagawa sa iba’t ibang industriya, serbisyo, at maging sa gobyerno. Narito ang ilan sa kanila:

Harbour Centre

Hindi makatao ang pagturing sa mga manggagawa, ganito kung isalarawan ng mga manggagawa ng Harbour Centre sa Tondo, Maynila ang kanilang kalagayan. Lahat ng mga manggagawa rito katulad ng mga estibador, forklift at crane operator, winchman, leadman at iba pa ay mga kontraktwal na agency-hired.

Napakababa ng sahod dito, walang benepisyo, on-call ang trabaho, at kung madisgrasya ay walang matatanggap na tulong ang mga manggagawa sa pyer.

Nasa P1,038 ang nakatalang sahod ng mga manggagawa para sa 12 oras na trabaho. Pero P650 lang umano ang nakukuha nila galing sa agency. Kapag mahuli sa oras ng paggawa ay babawasan ang oras, bawas na rin ang sahod kung gayon. At dahil walang takdang petsa ng sahod na nahuhuli ng isa hanggang tatlong buwan, napipilitan ang mga manggagawa na ibenta sa bumbay ang sahod nila. Kakaltasan ng bumbay ang sahod nila kaya’t P411 hanggang P590 na lang ang natatanggap nila, isang pamilyar na kalagayan sa mga manggagawang umiikot ang sahod sa utang at bayad-utang.

Ang sahod din daw nila ay depende lang kung may barko na darating o “Per Vessel Basis Employee,” ayon sa pinipirmahan nilang kontrata. Pero kapag may dumating at kahit malalim na ang gabi, kailangan nilang magtrabaho.

Palagi ring may kaltas ang sahod nila para sa SSS, Pag-ibig at PhilHealth pero hindi naman pala ito regular na hinuhulugan ng ahensya. Wala rin silang payslip at nakalagay lang sa isang sobre ang sinasahod nila na may pangalan ng barkong kanilang pinagtrabahuhan.

Dagdag pa rito ay wala kagamitang pangkaligtasan o personal protective equipment para maprotektahan sila habang naghahango ng tone-toneladang bakal mula sa barko.

Pabrika ng damit

Sa isang pagawaan ng damit pambata sa Quezon City, pitong taon nagtrabaho si Esmeñia Bersalona, 55 taong gulang, pero aabot lang sa P100 sa walong oras ng paggawa bawat araw ang natatanggap niya at iba pang manggagawa. Kapag mag-OT naman ay wala silang natatanggap na kaakibat na kabayaran. Pakyawan ang kanilang trabaho at kailangang makaabot sa quota ang natahi para matanggap ang sahod. Hindi sila nakakatanggap ng kahit na anong benepisyo mula sa pagawaan katulad ng SSS, PhilHealth at Pag-Ibig.

Gobyerno

Iba’t iba ang katawagan ng mga kontraktwal na manggagawa sa gobyerno na matagal nang kalakaran.

Sa ilang mga ahensya sa ilalim ng sangay ng ehekutibo, may tinatawag na job order (JO) na tumatanggap ng minimum na arawang sahod at aabot lang sa tatlong buwan ang kontrata. Karaniwang ginagawa ng mga JO ay mga maiiksing trabaho lang katulad ng pagkakabit ng bakod, encoding at iba pa.

Meron namang mga empleyadong nakapailalim sa Contract/Cost of Service (COS) na ang dating tawag ay Memorandum of Agreement (MOA), ito ang pinakamarami sa DSWD na aabot sa 14,000 sa lahat ng opisina sa buong bansa. Pumipirma sila ng taunang kontrata pero ang ilan sa kanila ay aabot na ng 15 hanggang 20 na nagtatrabaho sa kagawaran.

Kabilang sa kanila ang mga frontliners ng pagbibigay ng serbisyo ng kagawaran katulad ng mga social worker at iba pang araw-ara na humaharap sa mga kliyente.  Ang sweldo nila ay halos katumbas na rin ng mga regular na empleyado, pero wala silang mga benepisyo katulad ng leave, overtime at 13^th month pay, clothing allowance at iba pa. Kung hindi sila pumasok ay wala silang sweldo o no work, no pay. Ang kanilang SSS, PhilHealth at Pag-Ibig ay boluntaryong hinuhulugan.

Casual naman ang tawag sa mga empleyadong halos katulad ang kalagayan ng COS pero nakakatanggap sila ng benepisyo. Ang kaibahan lang sa COS ay hindi sila regular o walang security of tenure.

Supermarket

Sa mga supermarket, iba’t iba rin ang tawag ng mga kontraktwal na manggagawa.

Sa South Supermarket na may umaabot sa 2,200 ang empleyado sa 10 branch sa Metro Manila, Bulacan, Cavite, Laguna at Batangas, 356 lang ang regular dito at ang iba ay mga kontraktwal na. May mga casual na direktang empleyado ng South Supermarket o direct hire na tumatanggap ng minimum na sahod, ang pinakamababa ay sa Malolos branch na P364/araw lang ang minimum na sahod kumpara sa P481/araw para sa mga manggagawa sa Metro Manila.

Karamihan naman sa mga kontraktwal na manggagawa ay mga agency-hired at tumatanggap din ng minimum na sahod. Hanggang walong oras ang trabaho nila pero minsan ay sobra-sobra pa ang oras ng paggawa at kapag mag-overtime (OT) ay kailangang mabuo ang isang oras kung hindi ay hindi sila mababayaran ng overtime pay. Ang kanilang mga benepisyo katulad ng SSS, PhilHealth at Pag-Ibig ay hindi regular na nahuhulugan ng kanilang mga ahensya.

Blue boys, blue girls naman ang tawag sa iba pang mga kontraktwal na manggagawa sa mga supermarket at department store na direkta sa mga concessionaire nagtatrabaho. Sila ang mga nagbabantay ng mga produkto ng concessionaire na nilalagay sa mga estante ng supermarket o department store. Katulad ng iba pang kontraktwal ay hindi sila nakakatanggap ng iba pang benepisyo at ‘endo’ pagdating ng lima hanggang anim na buwan at minsan ay mas maliit ang  sahod kaysa sa nakapaloob sa direct hiring ng supermarket o department store.

Construction

Mas mababa pa sa minimum na sahod ang natatanggap ng mga manggagawa ng TRASS Construction Company, kontraktor ng iba’t ibang proyekto kabilang na ang mga konstruksyon ng Robinsons at iba pa. Umaabot lang sa P400 bawat araw ang natatanggap na sahod ni “Mark” na 23 taon nang nagtatrabaho bilang construction workers sa kumpanya. Samantala, ang mga mas bagong manggagawa ay aabot lang sa P280 bawat araw ang sahod sa 12 oras na paggawa. Wala silang payslip at iba pang benepisyong natatanggap mula sa kumpanya. Nakabatay lang sa proyekto ang kanilang trabaho, pero dahil maraming proyekto ang kumpanya, hindi siya nawawalan ng trabaho. Buong akala ni “Mark” ay regular na manggagawa na siya ng kumpanya.

Maintenance sa pamantasan

Colorum casual ang tawag sa mga maintenance personnel o tagatiyak ng kalinisan at kaayusan ng mga pasilidad katulad ng silid-aralan, palikuran at laboratoryo sa Adamson University. Colorum dahil wala silang kontrata at depenidong trabaho at panahon ng pagtatrabaho, kaiba sa mga kontraktwal na manggagawa sa nasabing pamantasan na may kontrata. Tumatanggap lang sila ng P500 bawat araw sa loob ng 20 araw na paggawa sa isang buwan at walang benepisyo.

Ngunit, kaiba sa mga agency-hired na mga manggagawa, sila ay nakapailalim sa isang “human resource service cooperative” ng Caritas Et Labora na kabahagi ng Caritas Manila. Sa esensya ay ito kahalintulad ng isang manpower agency na nagsusuplay ng mga kontraktwal na manggagawa sa iba’t ibang institusyon.

BPO

Para naman sa mga nagtatrabaho sa Business Process Outsourcing (BPO) o mga call center, mapagpanggap sinasabing mareregular sila sa kumpanya dahil kahit anong oras ay pwede silang matanggal sa trabaho. Katulad ni Harmonie na walong buwan na sa kumpanyang kanyang pinagtatrabahuan ay kinokonsidera na bilang ‘regular’ pero kapag mababa ang kanyang ‘metrics’ kung hindi naabot ang kailangang quota ay anumang oras ay maaari siyang matanggal sa trabaho.

Kadalasan ay gabi o graveyard shift ang trabaho sa BPO, madaling kapitan ng sakit ang mga empleyado rito dahil sa matinding pagod at puyat,

At dahil na rin sa katangian ng BPO na nakasandig sa mga kliyente nito na nakabase sa ibang bansa, anumang oras na matapos ang kontrata, i-pull out ang account o mawalan ng kliyente ang kumpanya, kasabay nito ang pagkawala ng trabaho ng mga empleyado nito.

Nasa P 10,000 ang pinakamababang starting salary sa mga BPO, may ilang aabot pa sa P18,000 kung matanggap sa BPO at kahit pa hindi pa naka-gradweyt ng kolehiyo. Ngunit umaabot naman sa 30% ang kaltas na income tax sa suweldo nila.

Fastfood

Aabot lang sa P60/oras ang sahod na natatanggap ng isang manggagawa sa fastfood chain na Jollibee dito sa NCR at pagdating ng ika-limang buwan ay ‘endo’ o end of contract na sila. Dagdag pa rito ay nagpapatupad ng pwersahang turn-over o charity work, ibig sabihin ay meron silang 30 minuto hanggang dalawang oras ng trabaho na binibigay sa kumpanya na walang kaakibat na sahod. Kadalasan nangyayari ito tuwing opening o closing kung saan maghahanda o maglilinis sa kung saan man nakatalaga ang service crew bago o pagkatapos magbukas ang kainan.

Ospital

Sa mga pribado at pampublikong ospital ay hindi na nagiging regular ang mga manggagawa sa kalusugan kabilang na ang mga nurse, nursing aide, technician, housekeeping at maintenance. Kalakhan ng mga kontraktwal na manggagawa sa mga ospital ay tumatanggap lang ng minimum na sahod, walang mga benepisyo at no work, no pay.

Bukod sa kontraktwalisasyon, umaabot sa 12 oras ang duty ng mga manggagawang pangkalusugan dahil sa kakulangan ng staff lalo na sa mga pampublikong ospital. Lagi ring naantala ang kanilang sweldo.

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Bukas ang artikulo na ito sa mga kontribusyon para mapayaman pa ang kaalaman hinggil sa usaping ito.

Have you eaten your dose of the nutritious banana lately? How much does a kilo cost in your local market?

In Metro Manila markets, the Philippine Statistics Authority’s (PSA) price monitoring of basic commodities listed the cost of a kilo of Banana (Lacatan) at P40 at the lowest, P70 at the highest while P60 is the prevailing price for retail.

Meanwhile, exported bananas from the Philippines are sold by Lapanday Food Corporation (LFC) at $14 (P698) to $24 (P1,196) per box which contains 13.5 kilograms of bananas or around P52 to P89 per kilo.

According to PSA’s 2016 ‘Selected Statistics on Agriculture’, the volume of fresh banana exported in 2015 amounted to 1.8 million metric tons and valued at $657.87 million. Next to coconut oil, fresh bananas are the top crop exported from the Philippines. Major markets for fresh banana exports are Japan (42%) and China (24%).

But did you know that bananas are bought way cheaper from the producers?

In Mindanao, where LFC controls 6,000 hectares of banana plantation, the company buys banana (Cavendish or Lacatan) from cooperatives at $0.18 per box (containing 13.5 kilos) for ‘Class B’ bananas according to banana growers in Tagum City where one of its banana plantations are located. That’s roughly P9 per box or P0.66 per kilo.

According to Artemio Serot, a former member of the Hijo Employees Agrarian Reform Beneficiaries Cooperative 1 (HEARBCO 1) and now member of the Madaum Agrarian Reform Beneficiaries Association, Inc. (MARBAI), aside from the very cheap bananas they sell to LFC, the company swindles them by repacking ‘Class B’ bananas to ‘Class A.’ The banana plantation cooperatives sell the Class A bananas at $2.10 (P104.67) per box or roughly P8 per kilo.

Ilagay kung may nabibili bang Class A sa kooperatiba o lahat ay ginagawang Class B

Those categorized as Class C bananas, meanwhile, are considered “reject” and the cooperative describe these bananas “for throwing away.” They shared that these Class C bananas coming from Lapanday, however, were the ones sold in town public markets.

LFC’s gross income per box would amount to $13.82 (P690) up to $23.82 (P1,189). That’s almost 100 times more than what the workers/cooperative earned when they sold their bananas.

On top of the cheap price of banana, the cooperative is charged with all the farm inputs and other production costs in the plantation leaving members of the cooperative buried in millions of debts.

In LFC’s website, they claim to yield 20 million boxes of bananas annually. LFC exports bananas to Japan, Hongkong, China, Singapore, South Korea, Indonesia, New Zealand, United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman, Russia and Egypt.

LFC is owned by the Lorenzo family. Martin Lorenzo of the said family is also part-owner of Central Azucarera de Tarlac in the controversial Hacienda Luisita sugar estate.

In 2011, MARBAI members who were former members of HEARBCO 1, were forcibly removed from the plantation when they challenged the Agribusiness Venture Agreement (AVA) which put the cooperative in a disadvantaged.

Meanwhile, members of MARBAI who are agrarian reform beneficiaries to a 145-hectare banana plantation, which is part of the San Isidro farm in Tagum City, are now in Manila to insist their right to be reinstalled in the land controlled by the LFC.

On April 21, the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) was unable to reinstall the agrarian reform beneficiaries despite the Writ of Order issued by DAR Secretary Rafael Mariano due to the failure of the police to provide assistance and disarm the alleged 700 armed security guards inside the plantation.

On December 12, 2016, MARBAI members were peppered with bullets where seven were wounded when they attempted to enter the plantation to implement DAR’s decision that they should be reinstated.

Si Elina Anticama, o kilala rin bilang Ate H, ay isa sa 200 magsasaka na tumungo sa Maynila mula sa Madaum Agrarian Reform Benefeciaries Inc. Kasama ni Ate H ang iba pang magsasaka at manggagawang bukid mula sa probinsya ng Davao del Norte upang ipanawagan na kagyat na maibalik sa kanila ang lupang kinakamkam ng Lapanday Foods Corp. Mahigit dalawang linggo silang namalagi sa Mendiola, nasa tarangkahan patungong Malakanyang, upang magpiket hanggang makausap nila ang pangulo ng Pilipinas para gumawa ito ng aksyon sa pagpapalayas ng Lapanday sa kanilang mga benipisyaryo ng reporma sa lupa sa lupang kinokontrol pa rin ng Lapanday hanggang sa kasalukuyan.

Bago mag-Mayo 1, sinugod sa hospital si Ate H. Ayon sa doktor, malnutrition at lack of potassium ang sanhi ng karamdaman ni Ate H. Kulang sa potassium ang magsasaka at manggagawa sa plantasyon ng saging, isang mineral na pangunahing makukuha sa pagkaing saging.

Ipinanganak si Ate H sa Mindanao. Dahil sa kahirapan, inisip niyang magtrabaho sa Maynila sa murang edad para matulungan niya ang kanyang mga magulang.

Sa murang edad, namasukan siya bilang kasambahay sa pamilyang Salanga, kung saan sya nanilbihan ng mahigit 13 taon. Ang kwento nga niya nung bago pumanaw ang padre de pamilya ng tahanan na si Alfredo Salanga, dating manunulat ng pahayagang Inquirer, sinabi niya rito na magpahinga ka na at wag alalahanin ang mga anak dahil aalagaan niya ang mga ito.

Matapos ang matagal na panahong pamamalagi sa Maynila, bumalik si Ate H sa Mindanao para makasama ang kanyang asawa. Nagkaroon sila ng isang anak.

Pero sadyang dahil sa kahirapan ay ang asawa naman niya ang tumungo sa Maynila para magtrabaho sa isang bakery. Maliit lang sinasahod ng asawa niya, nasa P280 kada araw. Habang si Ate H naman ay magsasaka ng saging sa Lapanday.

Tinanong ko siya kung alam ba ng asawa niya na nandito siya sa Maynila upang sila ay magkita. Hindi raw siya nagpaalam dahil hindi siya papayagan na sumama. Hindi niya rin ito kinontak dahil magagalit daw ang asawa sa kanya. Sa kabila nito, alam naman ng anak niya na sumasama siya sa mga ganitong pagkilos. Madalas niyang binabanggit na para sa mga apo ko naman ang ginagawa kong paglaban.

Habang namamalagi sa kampuhan, nakuwento niya sa amin na mahigit 30 taon na niyang hindi nakikita ang mga anak ni Alfredo Salanga at lagi nyang naalala ang pangako niya sa dating amo. Sinabi rin niyang ang pamilya ni Alfredo ang nagbansag sa kanyang Ate H.

Tinanong nya sa akin kung may kakilala ba daw akong Salanga. Agad ko naman itong hinanap sa internet at sa social media. Hanggang sa nakita ko na isa na palang propesor sa UP Diliman ang isang anak ni Alfredo na si Elyrah Salanga. Nagtanong-tanong kami sa mga kakilala namin na guro, unyon ng kawani at estudyante na maaaring nakakakilala kay Prof. Elyrah. Nagkataon na isa sa mga kasamahan ko sa trabaho ang naging estudyante ni Prof. Elyrah.

Pinuntahan ng kasamahan ko si Prof. Elyrah. Hindi nga madali at maaasahang umayon ang pagkakataon, dahil sa oras na iyon nagkasalisi sila ni Prof Elyrah. Hindi sila nagkausap ng personal, pero nakapag-iwan ng isang mensahe na hinahanap siya ni Ate H, nasa Mendiola ito kasama ng iba pang magsasaka at manggagawa na maaaring nakita na niya sa balita, at kontakin kami agad para kunsakali, sana magkatagpo ulit sila. Mensahe ni Ate H kay Prof. Elyrah, gusto ko lang siya makita at makausap bago kami bumalik sa Mindanao.

Agad namang may kumontak sa amin noong araw na iyon: si Prof Elyrah. Laking tuwa namin at agad namin itong binanggit kay Ate H. Agad naman niyang kinuha ang kontak number ni Prof. Elyrah, bagamat wala syang cellphone at sinulat lang ito sa papel. Kaya hindi siya makakontak kay Prof. Elyrah at hindi rin siya direktang makokontak ni Prof. Elyrah. Ipapatext niya raw ito sa kanyang anak pagbalik sa Mindanao.

Habang papalapit na ang araw ng kanilang pagbalik sa Davao del Norte, mas lalo ko naramdaman ang kurot ng lungkot at panghihinayang ni Ate H na maaaring hindi pa muli sila magtagpo ng dating alaga at anak-anakan. Isang beses nung nakita niya ako ay nagsabi pa siyang ‘piktyuran mu naman ako para ipakita kay Elyrah.’ Kinuha pa niya ang aking cellphone number para kung sakali mang hindi sila magkita ay makontak niya ako ‘pag nasa Davao na siya para itanong kung nahanap na namin ang anak ni Alfredo Salanga. Madalas din daw kaming hinahanap at inaabangan ni Ate H sa kampuhan.

Ilang oras na lang paalis na sila Ate H. Nagsabi na rin si Prof. Elyrah na masama ang kanyang pakiramdam, baka ‘di siya makapunta at tatawagan na lang namin sa cellphone para magkausap sila. Nakita namin ang saya habang kausap niya ito at lungkot dahil ang nais niyang magkita sila ay hindi na mangyayari.

Ika-9 ng gabi ng Mayo 12, ilang oras bago umalis si Ate H at kanyang mga kasamahan, nagtext si Prof. Elyrah na ito ay dadaan sa kampuhan. Napaabot naman namin ito kay Ate H, na noong mga oras na iyon ay naimbitahan kasama ang mga magsasakang nagpipiket sa DSWD NCR para may tulong na maibigay sa kanila at may kailangang pirmahan.

Pumunta kami sa kampuhan. Hinintay namin si Ate H. Hinintay namin si Prof. Elyrah.

Nakabalik si Ate H, tumatakbo papunta sa amin. Hindi na siya umalis kung saan kami nakaupo, nag-aabang ng text o tawag ng isang taong hinihintay dumating, inaasam makita.

Hanggang sa ang oras ng pagkikita nila ay dumating na. Laking tuwa namin nung nagkita at nagkausap na sila. Tiyak mas masaya si Ate H.

About midnight of May 23, a friend woke me up with worrying news: President Rodrigo Duterte has just declared martial law in Mindanao. I got up to ponder why the threat of martial law is becoming very real again. After an exchange of information with friends, I went back to sleep with the resolve that first thing in the morning, I would surf the internet to find out what and why it happened, and to ascertain reliable reports on what is happening in Marawi, Mindanao.

On the afternoon of May 24, I attended an emergency meeting where various organizations gathered to talk about the president’s declaration. NDFP peace consultant Vic Ladlad, a martial law survivor and former political prisoner, was also there. (Ka Vic’s first wife, Leticia Pascual, was among the listed missing activists or desaparecidos in Southern Tagalog during the martial law regime). Ka Vic shared his thoughts as we discussed President Duterte’s martial law declaration.

Déjà vu

As I listened to Ka Vic and the other participants, a stream of thought came rushing to my mind. Suddenly, it was déjà vu. It revived the horrible memories of Proclamation No. 1081, otherwise known as the imposition of military rule all over the country by the fascist dictator Ferdinand Marcos.

Later in the evening, another friend asked me if I could write about my experiences during martial law. I did not readily say yes because the period of martial law bore painful memories, forever carried by those who lived through it. However, I thought about our obligation, how it is imperative for us survivors to intensely study our history, learn valuable lessons from it, and relay our humble experiences and learnings to the next generation. To forget it, to choose historical amnesia would throw our nation back to the dark depths of terror and paralysis where people wallow in the morass of underdevelopment, without foresight or direction.

To senior citizens like me, I posed the following questions: Were you sheepishly happy in singing every morning the Hitlerite anthem “May Bagong Silang, May Bagong Lipunan”? Were you not insulted mimicking the infamous line: ‘”my beloved countrymen, it’s not good for us to talk about the ugly things in our country. Let us talk instead of the good, the great and the beautiful things in our country being ushered in by New Society”? Did you not cower in shame while shouting in unison that “this nation will be great again”?

Fast forward to today: Do you not feel any repugnance hearing the above script being played over and over again in another time of our still unfolding country?

And so, I jotted down my recollections of martial law as a probinsyano activist. I hope these bitter memories of the recent past, the despicable scenes of the 14 dark chilling years in the chapter of our history could enlighten not only the millenials but also the naive, those who choose to be ignorant and timid amid these trying times. This is but an attempt, in less than a 3,000 word count, for the Filipino people to stand up and make their voices count. Martial law is never a “smiling martial law”, and never again will we watch it happen again – in all its harshness and brutality. Such fascist policies are implemented at the expense of civilians’ lives and people’s rights.

Suspension of the writ, a prelude to martial law

Forty eight years ago, I became a social activist while taking up a liberal arts course at Aklan Catholic College (ACC) in Kalibo. I was involved in campus journalism and a member of the College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP). My political involvement went deeper when in 1971, universities in vast backwaters of the country like Aklan, Antique and Capiz were finally swept by the First Quarter Storm (FQS).

On August 21, 1971, former President Marcos engineered the Plaza Miranda Bombing which gave way to the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. Right after the indignation rally denouncing the senseless Plaza Miranda Bombing, I joined the open, legal national democratic movement. First as a Samahan ng Demokratikong Kabataan (SDK) member, and later as a member of Kabataang Makabayan (KM)-Aklan chapter where I served as the deputy for education and propaganda.

Despite our spirited discussions on the martial law scenario triggered by the September 13, 1972 exposé of “Oplan Sagittarius” by the late Sen. Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr., we did not expect that Marcos would impose it too soon. Historian Ambeth Ocampo, studying Marcos’ diaries which fell into the hands of American journalist Stanley Karnow during the EDSA 1 Uprising, said that Marcos could have signed the martial law proclamation either on Sept. 18 (backdated) or Sept. 23 (postdated) given his penchant for superstitions. All throughout his two diaries covering the last few months before the declaration of martial law, “Marcos raises the specter of communism to scare the people and justify martial law following 18 bombings in Metro Manila from March to September 1972.” Adding to this was the fake assassination attempt on then Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile.

Unlike today in the age of smartphones and the internet, there were no quick means to know about what was going on in the country. In the early 1970s, there were no cellphones, only telegraphs used in public post offices. There was only one telexfax machine operated in by the PT&T in the capital town of Kalibo.

Two days before the public declaration of Proclamation No. 1081, there was a news blackout. All that came out from radio and TV stations were just static sounds and a blank screen, as if the Martians have already invaded our air space. Midnight of September 22, we heard the National Anthem being played. Then it went bleep, bleeeppp, and kaput!

Martial law na?! Some activists jokingly shouted in our KM provincial headquarters (HQ). Few days before that, State forces like the Metrocom conducted several raids in Metro Manila, including the national HQ of KM. Many activists were arrested, and one of those arrested was Concha Araneta, now among the NDFP peace consultants.

A ghost town

On Sept. 23, we held an emergency meeting and talked about the current political situation. The student leaders convened a meeting in ACC and decided to mount a big indignation rally at the Kalibo Park the following Monday, Sept. 25. I was left in our HQ in order to prepare a manifesto and to meet other activists from other colleges. Before noon, a comrade arrived and broke the news: there was an en masse arrest right after the ACC meeting! Only two activists escaped the dragnet.

News of warrantless arrests spread like wildfire. The once busy streets of Kalibo were suddenly deserted. I went out of our HQ and bought some cigarettes out of the 25 cents left in my pocket. There was an eerie feeling as you walked the deserted streets. The town of Kalibo suddenly became a ghost town.

Seventeen student activists headed by Manuel “Warren” Calizo, Jr. were rounded up by the Philippine Constabulary (PC) even without a warrant of arrest.  As they went out of the main gate of ACC, a military six-by-six truck screeched to a stop and caught the activists by surprise. Several of them tried to evade arrest but the fascist soldiers were quick and manhandled them. With PC Capt. Orville Gabuna in command, activists were hauled to the PC stockade at Camp Pastor Martelino in Old Buswang, Kalibo. They were detained for six months without formal charges filed against them. They experienced torture (physical and psychological), suffered deprivations, humiliation, insults and blackmail. More illegal arrests followed in the subsequent days and weeks, among them Dr. Ciriaco “Acong” Icamina, Jr., MD.

After scouring the streets and boarding houses on Sept. 23, we three surviving activists called it a day. It was exactly 6:00 o’clock in the evening when we entered the house of a friend, just in time for the government TV station to go live on air. There we heard the baritone voice of fascist dictator Marcos proclaiming that the whole country under martial law, giving all the excuses for his presidential proclamation along with his assurance to make this country great again.

On the wanted list

We were distracted from the newscast when a military truck arrived and soldiers quickly disembarked, rushing towards a birthday party in the other side of the street. The PC hauled all the occupants found inside the house and brought them to camp.

Classes were suspended in all levels. Despite this, we stayed in Kalibo, in the houses of friends. For two days, we scoured boarding houses hoping to find student activists and friends but to no avail. During the night, deathly silence prevailed, punctuated only by the goose steps of patrolling PC troopers on the asphalt and cemented streets.

Check points were established in strategic places and those caught with long hair suffered grave consequences. We cut our hair short and passed the check points without any suspicion. As soon as we were out of Kalibo, we took another tricycle for a long ride– out to the countryside. The dark blue mountains of Madyaas were beckoning us. We briefly stayed at the house of another activist. After dinner, we walked barefoot in the long rice paddies, stumbling but still continuing with the myriad stars guiding us. After the long walk, we took a rest in a peasant’s hut. It was a first for me to spend the night in the middle of vast rice fields and under the stars twinkling like fireflies.

Few days after the declaration of martial law, my mother went to Kalibo and asked the help of Gov. Roberto Q. Garcia, who aside from being our kababayan was also an acquaintance of the family. The governor called the PC provincial commander, asking my whereabouts. In response, the PC authorities told the governor that I’d better surrender, or they’ll get me, dead or alive. I was on their wanted list!

We went to another barrio to the nearby town of Malinao on our second night in the countryside. This was the context of why I went underground. As an organizer, I lived with the peasants in the plains and hinterlands of Panay.

Abhorrent

“Karumaldumal ang mga abductions, torture, extrajudicial killings, pagsamsam ng lupa at ari-arian ng masa, maramihang pagkulong ng mga inosenteng tao, bombardment at artillery fire, evictions at force evacuations…,” said Prof. Jose Maria Sison of Marcos’ martial law.

Yes, I survived martial law but not my friends and acquaintances like the De la Fuente brothers – Edward and John, Antonio Mijares and his friend, Fraydel Maglantay, Marcelo Gallardo, Merlinda Dionisio, Jojo Paduano, Maria Luisa Posa, Pepe “Hagibis” Garcia, Nicomedes Dailisan, Generoso “Manong Gener” Magluyan, Manong Edoy Salido, Crispulo “Marx” Sabandal, Jimmy Bautista and his wife, Ka Leda, Brigada “Briding” Omambing, Baby Terano, Ka Johnny, and many other comrades whom I’d known only through their nom de guerre. Aside from the above mentioned names were the countless, nameless and heroic masses of peasants, farm workers and poor fishermen who supported the burgeoning national democratic movement in the countryside. We should remember martial law, always with their bravery and sacrifices in mind.

Vestiges of martial law remains

I survived martial law, but I still see its vestiges throughout regimes. Even as Corazon Aquino became the president of the Philippines after the downfall of the most hated regime, she did not do anything to do away with the most oppressive and repressive laws and decrees of Marcos. The imprints of Marcosian rule still remains even today.

On November 22, 1999, enroute to Capiz, I was abducted in the busy highway of Benigno Aquino, Jr. Avenue in Mandurriao, Iloilo City. I was aboard a taxi together with a companion when, in broad daylight, about five military agents took us. They loudly shouted for all to hear they were after “kidnappers.” Two men in civilian clothing pointed their guns at me – one armed with a cal. 45 pistol and the other, an Uzi submachinegun. They identified themselves as members of the “Rejectionists Group,” and then, finally, they were the “Anti-Terrorist Group-Panay.”

I was subjected to psychological torture and soldiers kept me incommunicado in several safe houses for 30 days. They threatened to kill me since, according to an intelligence officer, no one witnessed my abduction. But because of the continuing mass actions, I was surfaced by military agents and turned over to then Col. Pol Bataquil, after the filing of the writ habeas corpus and an appeal from NDFP Peace Negotiator Luis Jalandoni.

On the early morning of December 22, 1999, I was surfaced near the Passi Sugar Central, Passi City.  Nine trumped criminal cases were filed against me in the courts of Aklan and Antique, most of which were during the abhorrent US-Marcos martial law regime. Eight of my cases were dismissed after a year in prison. I gained temporary liberty on Dec. 17, 2000 after I posted a bail bond in Aklan.

With or without martial law, illegal arrests and detention, filing of trumped-up charges, and political persecution persisted. Indeed, as Jose Maria Sison said in his recent statement, “only those greedy for power or fools will say martial law is good and will solve the problems of the nation.”

*Ruben Saluta is an NDFP consultant. He was re-arrested on March 4, 2015 by combined elements of the AFP and the PNP during the Aquino regime for trumped-up charges of illegal possession of firearms and explosives. He was detained at the Special Intensive Care Area-Taguig City Jail before he was allowed bail to participate in peace talks between the GRP and the NDFP.  

Read other Martial Law stories here.