Peace and human rights advocates, church people, progressive groups and indigenous peoples gave tribute to personalities who have made essential contributions to the peace negotiations of the Government of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). The short, sincere recognition was held at the September 2 gathering that celebrated the 25th anniversary of The Hague Joint Declaration, known as the document that laid down the framework of the peace negotiations.
The dedications below were read by former NDFP peace panel member and former Bayan Muna Rep. Satur Ocampo at the event.
(Illustrations by Luigi Almuena of Ugatlahi Artists Collective.)
The fifth round peace talks between the GRP and the NDFP in May 2017 were cancelled. GRP President Rodrigo Duterte has repeatedly declared cancellation of talks, but has yet to send the other party a formal notice of cancellation, this process as stated in previously signed agreements.
Peace advocates, meanwhile, continue to call for the resumption of peace talks.
(Courtesy of Bagong Alyansang Makabayan, Pilgrims for Peace and Kapayapaan)
“Ang US ang pangunahing terorista sa buong mundo. Ngayon taon lang, nasa pitong bansa na ang binomba niya sa balatkayong ‘war on terror,’” ani Amirah Lidasan, Pangkalahatang Kalihim ng Moro Christian People’s Alliance.
Sa bisperas ng ika-16 na taon mula nang sinimulan ng Estados Unidos (US) ang kanyang “war on terror” sa buong mundo, binalikan ng grupo ng mga Moro na bahagi ng Lakbayan ng Pambansang Minorya ang pinagmulan ng pagkalat ng Islamophobia sa mundo.
Seytembre 11, 2001 ang pagsagasa ng mga eroplano na inulat na na-hijack ng grupong Al-Qaeda sa World Trade Center, kung saan 3,000 ang namatay at naging batayan ng US ng paglulunsad ng ‘war on terror’. Ang Al-Qaeda ay kilalang grupong binuo at pinondohan din ng US.
“Nahati ang mundo sa US global war on terror. Sabi ng US, either you are with us or against us. Ang unang tumugong positibo ay ang dating pangulong si Gloria Arroyo, nagsabing open na open ang inyong war on terror dito sa Pilipinas. Ito ang nagbigay-daan na makapanumbalik ang maraming bilang ng US troops sa aming ligar at maraming lugar sa bansa na na-subject sa kanilang war games o Balikatan exercises,” sabi ni Lidasan.
Inugat ni Lidasan kung saan nagmula ang mga ekstremistang gawi at grupo.
“Isa siyang reaksyon worldwide sa pagpasok ng US at pagkontrol nila sa mga areas ng bansa na mayroong natural resources tulad ng langis at mayamang mineral. Kapag may mga presidente o prime minister sa isang bansa na hindi tumutugon sa US o hindi kumakampi sa US, dito na rin sinumulan ang kanyang ‘regime change’ sa loob ng US war on terror,”
Sinabi ni Lidasan na binaluktot ng US at kaniyang mga kinasangkapan sa ‘regime change’ ang mga turo ng Islam.
“Maraming bilang ng mamamayan, mga pamilya, mga dating sundalo na kanilang inaarmasan at sinasanay ng CIA, US military at sinasabing sila ang nagsasagawa ng ‘regime change’. Hinahayaan ng US ang kanilang mga radikal na ideya. Kalakhan ng mga turo at kahit pa ang berso sa Koran ay binaluktot nila para majustify sa ginagawang ‘regime change’ at pagpapagamit ng mga grupo sa mga bansang gusto nilang palitan ang presidente,” paliwanag ni Lidasan.
Dagdag niya, dinala rin ng US hanggang sa Mindanao ay dinadala ang ganitong gawi.
Kilala ring pinondohan ng US ang Abu Sayyaf at maging ang mga tinugis ng US na ‘terorista’ sa kalupaan ng bansa, gaya ni Zulkipli Bin Hir o Marwan na napatay sa Mamasapano, ay kasapi ng Jemaah Islamiyah na kaanib na grupong Al Qaeda.
At sa kasalukuyan, sabi niya, para magamit muli ng US sa kanyang bentahe ang mga binuo, sinanay at pinondohang ekstremistang grupo, US din mismo ang nagpakana ng Islamophobia sa mundo sa pagpapanggap na nilalabanan niya itong mga grupong siya naman ang nagbuo.
Inusisa naman ng kinatawan ng mga evacuee mula sa Marawi ang presensya ng terorismo kung saan mayroon ding presensya ang US.
“Sa Marawi City, may US military installation at may US troops. Noong niralihan namin iyon noong 2009, sinasabi nila andoon nila para pigilan ang terorismo. Pero bakit ngayon umusbong ang mga grupong terorista sa Lanao del Sur at nakapasok pa sa Marawi,” pag-uusisa ni Aida Ibrahim ng Tindeg Ranao.
Lalo namang nasindihan ang Islamophobia sa Mindanao at sa US dahil sa krisis sa Marawi, ani Lidasan.
“Kapag Muslim ka, ISIS ka. Kapag naka-black ka, ISIS ka. Kasi black daw ang kulay ng ISIS. Kaya hinuhuli raw yung mga naka-black. Ilalapit pa ang mukha mo sa tarp ng larawan ng mga wanted para masabi kung Maute ka o ISIS ka,” pagbabahagi ni Lidasan.
Sistematikong pagpapakalat ng Islamophobia
“Ako po ay taga-Marawi, pero nawasak na ang aming bahay doon. Wala na ang aming mga ari-arian na magsasabing kami ay taga-Marawi bukod sa aming mga sarili at sa aming wika,”pagsisimula ni Dr. Potre Dirampatan-Diampuan, Regional Coordinator ng URI-SEAPac.
Ikinalulungkot din niya ang diskriminasyon na naranasan ng mga Muslim na sapilitang pinalikas sa Iligan City na nabigyan lang ng ilang oras para umalis matapos ang deklarasyon ni Duterte ng Martial Law sa Mindanao.
“Marawi po ang daming ibinubuhay sa Iligan. Ang ganda ganda ng accommodation sa mga Maranao. Pero nang mangyari ito, ang pinakita ng mga taga-Maranao ay kawalan ng respeto, kawalan ng simpatiya, walang pagmamalasakit,” ani Dr. Dirampatan-Diampuan.
Tinalakay ni Dr. Dirampatan-Diampuan ang kahulugan at katangian ng Islamophobia.
“Ang phobia, ito ay takot na hindi maipalawanag o hindi makatwirang takot sa isang bagay, sitwasyon o tao. Ang islamophobia ay matinding hindi pagkagusto o takot sa islam, at ang isa pa ito ay ito ay poot sa mga Muslim, galit sa mga Muslim,” pagtukoy niya.
“Ano ang mga katangian ng Islamophobia? Static, hindi nagbabago, hindi nagmo-modern kasi uncivilized nga raw. Nakikitang hiwalay o iba pa, hindi kasama, iba sila. Nakikitang mas mababa sa standard ng Kanluran. Nakikitang barbaric daw ang Muslim, primitibo, sexist. Marahas, agresibo—sabihin mo na kung ano ang masama at ito ang larawan na binibigay sa isang Muslim. Ito rin ang larawan sa Islamophobia,” pagtatalakay pa ni Dirampatan-Diampuan.
Sinabi rin niya na ang Islamophobia ay maaaring tangan ng isang indibidwal, pero hindi kakalat ng ganon-ganon lang.
“Ginagastusan ito ng milyon milyon ng mga institusyon para kumalat at maraming mapaniwala,” paghinuha niya.
Ang mga aksyon ng mga extremist na Muslim, gaya ng ISIS, Abu Sayyaf at ang Doula Islamiyah ng Maute ay nagiging dahilan ng paglawak ng paniniwala sa Islamophobia. Bukod pa doon, sabi niya, ay ang kamangmangan tungkol sa Islam at sa mga Muslim at ang xenophobia o matindi o hindi makatwirang pagkagusto sa ibang lahi o tao.
Pinakalat naman ang Islamophobia sa pamamagitan ng media, social media at Hollywood.
Inisa-isa rin ni Dr. Dirampatan-Diampuan ang naging epekto ng Islamophobia sa pang-araw araw na buhay ng mga Moro: kawalan ng oportunidad ng trabaho; impresyon na kawalang-karunungan o walang edukasyon; cyberbullying; pisikal na pinsala; batang nagkakaproblema na pumasok sa paaralan kasi binu-bully ng mga kaklase; hindi tinatanggap ang babaeng naka-hijab na mga babae sa unibersidad; tinatawag na terorista; pagpapalagay na lahat ng mga terorista ay Muslim; mas mahigpit at diskriminasyon sa security check sa paaralan, mall at airport; hindi pinaparahan ng taxi, at iba pa.
“Marami pa po kayong kwento na hindi naririnig, lalo sa Marawi. Masakit po talaga ang nangyari sa Marawi,” pagwawakas ni Dr. Dirampatan-Diampuan
On 5 September 2017, two paramilitary men shot Obillo Bay-ao, a 19-year old Manobo youth from Talaingod town, Davao del Norte. He was a Grade 6 student of the Salupongan Ta’Tanu Igkanugon Learning Center (STTLC), an alternative school for Lumad children in Talaingod. He was rushed to the hospital but died that same night.
Bay-ao was the latest victim of extrajudicial killings perpetrated against Indigenous Peoples all over the country. The Lumad, in particular, have in recent years also experienced a severe government crackdown on Indigenous schools that has threatened the education of thousands of Lumad children.
President Rodrigo Duterte, who also hails from Mindanao, has publicly criticized the killings of the Lumad when he was still mayor of Davao City. During his inaugural speech, he promised to initiate a peace process that would ease back on militarization of Indigenous communities.
But just one year after his inauguration, the supposedly sympathetic Duterte has already turned back on his promises.
Lumad children assert their right to education. (Photo by Anjo Bacarisas/Lente)
The Lumad in the Philippines
There are over 11 million Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines, which translates to at least 11% of the population of the country, according to the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP). Almost 60% of them live in Mindanao and are collectively known as Lumad. They are composed of 18 tribes which include the Manobo, Mandaya, B’laan and Subanen peoples.
The Philippines is a country rich in mineral resources, estimated in 2015 to be about USD 1 trillion worth of untapped mineral reserves in Mindanao alone. Most of these can be found within Lumad ancestral lands. Previous administrations have made extraction of these minerals a national priority with the enactment of the Mining Act of 1995 and President Benigno Aquino III issuing Executive Order 79 (EO 79) in 2012.
The Mining Act allowed for large-scale foreign investments in the mining sector while EO 79 gave the national government a final say in approving applications for mining permits.
Liguasan Marsh, which is part of the ancestral domain of the Moro peoples in Mindanao, holds a large reserve of natural gas worth hundreds of billions of dollars. Some of the largest dams in the Philippines have also been or are currently being constructed in the island as well, including the Pulangi V dam, which threatens to displace thousands of Indigenous Peoples from their ancestral lands and would destroy their means of livelihood and way of life.
Despite these rich natural resources, many Lumad and other Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines remain mired in poverty. Violations against their rights are also commonplace. Indigenous Peoples’ rights are supposedly protected by law in the Philippines through the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA).
The Philippines is also party to the Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Though the IPRA and the UNDRIP are supposed to ensure Indigenous People’s right to self determination and control over their ancestral lands, the fact is that they still suffer from exploitation, grave human rights abuses, and lack of access to basic social services like health and education.
The right to education is a globally recognized fundamental right and is seen as a “multiplier” right because it helps enable people to experience and fulfill other rights that they should enjoy as human beings. Education is also seen as a means to break the cycle of poverty and better one’s condition. An educated populace benefits nations in general as it leads to greater productivity, people making more informed choices, and more stable societies.
In the Philippines, although the government allocation for primary and secondary education has been increasing since 2013, only seven out of 10 children who enroll in primary school will complete it while only four out of these seven will finish secondary school. Many children have no access to education to begin with.
The Lumad and other Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines face many challenges on accessing education. Government officials usually do not take into consideration the specific needs and interests of Indigenous Peoples when formulating policies. Also, Indigenous Peoples are more often than not the last to receive basic social services from the government, severely limiting opportunities for Indigenous children.
Poverty is one of the main reasons why Indigenous parents are discouraged from sending their children to school. In 2015, 26.3% of the country’s population lived below the poverty line, while 12.1% of the population lived in abject poverty and have to survive with less than USD 1 per day. Indigenous peoples make up a large bulk of those living in poverty. Many parents have to divide what little money they have for food, health and education needs of the family, with food often taking priority in household spending.
Indigenous children who do attend school, on the other hand, often have to endure walking many kilometers or crossing dangerous rivers and mountainous areas, exposing them to risks during travel. In addition, they often face deeply-entrenched discrimination in an education system that is not particularly responsive to the cultural needs and sensitivities of Indigenous children, who are often treated as outsiders, outcasts, and second-class citizens.
Alternatives
Because of these difficulties and continuing government neglect for the needs of Indigenous Peoples, the Lumad turned to the church and NGOs to ask for assistance so their children can get an education.
The Alternative Learning Center for Agricultural and Livelihood Development (ALCADEV) one of the pioneers in providing education to Indigenous children, was founded by Lumad organizations Kahugpungan sa mga Lumad sa Surigao del Sur (KALUNASS) and the Malahutayong Pakigbisog Alang sa Sumusunod (MAPASU) in 2004. ALCADEV set up an alternative learning system to provide secondary education to Indigenous youth in the hinterlands of the Caraga region in northeast Mindanao, the southernmost major island in the Philippines. ALCADEV provided “education relevant to their (Lumad’s) needs” and taught the children to use the education they received to help their tribes and communities. Since its founding, ALCADEV’s students have achieved almost 100% passing rate for government equivalency exams that would pave the way for them to attend college.
The Center for Lumad Advocacy and Services (CLANS) started out as a non-government organization that partnered with the B’laan people in implementing a sustainable agriculture program for residents of Malapatan town, Saranggani in 2007. CLANS staff learned through their immersion in the community that the B’laans of the village did not know how to read or write.
Community leaders then asked assistance from CLANS staff in providing education to the B’laan children, and by early 2008, CLANS was already training two community educators to teach literacy and numeracy to the Lumad.
In cooperation with the Kahugpongan sa mga Lumad sa Halayong-Habagatang Mindanao (KALUHHAMIN), a Lumad organization that helps in identifying communities that need schools and other services, CLANS now operates over 50 schools in Far Southern Mindanao.
The Rural Missionaries of the Philippines-Northern Mindanao Region (RMP-NMR), on the other hand, is a regional chapter of the Rural Missionaries of the Philippines, a faith-based organization involved in land rights advocacy since 1969. In 2010, RMP-NMR started its Literacy and Numeracy Program (LitNum) upon the request of several Higaonon and Manobo Lumad communities in the region, and by 2014 it was operating schools in 17 Indigenous communities serving over 500 Indigenous children.
Another pioneer in providing education to Lumad children is the Mindanao Interfaith Services Foundation, Inc. (MISFI), which started holding literacy and numeracy classes for the Lumad in 1984. In 2007, with assistance from the European Union, MISFI built 20 community schools to provide alternative formal schooling for Indigenous children; today MISFI operates nine secondary schools and 22 primary schools for the Lumad in partnership with PASAKA, a Southern Mindanao-based Lumad organization.
Tailor-fit
The creation of these culturally-sensitive schools tailor-fit for the needs of Indigenous Peoples have had a profound effect on the Lumad and their communities. And they are now getting the education they need for free.
“My father and grandfather have always dreamed of getting my siblings and I a good education,” related Jomar, who is an 8th grade student in one of MISFI’s schools. His father and grandfather are both datu (tribal chieftain) of the Ata-Manobo tribe from Capalong, Davao del Norte and Jomar’s sister and brother are also MISFI students.
“When MISFI opened classes, I was one of the first students even though I was older than my classmates. I really wanted to learn,” he added.
And it’s not only children who benefited from education; the Lumad schools have held literacy and numeracy classes for adults, as well. Jomar’s adoptive mother and other members of his clan were also students of these classes.
“Amay (Mother) and I would read together at night so she could learn, too. She was so proud when she graduated from her class,” remembers Jomar.
And the schools have provided not just education to the Lumad; they also taught livelihood skills as well as sustainable agriculture practices and organic farming that helped ensure food security for Indigenous communities.
Sustainable agriculture and organic farming is part of the curriculum developed by ALCADEV and taught to its students and their parents. At the onset, many of the Lumad were not convinced with the new technology that were taught because, in their own words, “we grew up farming.”
However, as time went by, community members saw the benefits of these subjects for their community. For example, instead of the traditional slash-and-burn farming methods which had disastrous effects on the environment, the Lumad started gradually using sustainable and organic methods.
Increased production has also resulted from implementing sustainable agriculture practices. Han-ayan residents have so far increased production ranging from 38% in 2007 to 88% in 2013, according to one ALCADEV document.
But the most important effect of these schools on the Lumad is far greater than simply increased production or learning to read and write.
“Before the school was established, we really undervalued ourselves and our capacities because we did not have an education,” said Marissa Tejanel, a student of the Fr. Fausto Tentorio Memorial School (FFTMS) in White Culaman village, Kitaotao, Bukidnon. “But with the school and the teachers, it all changed.”
“Before, the Lumad did not know how to read and write. That is the reason why we persevere to have a school because we do not want anyone to step on us because we are illiterate,” she added.
Jomar said their school helped them regain their pride in themselves as Lumad and “united us in standing up and fighting for our rights.”
Crackdown
Despite all the benefits gained by the Lumad from having Indigenous schools in their communities, Lumad schools have for several years faced attacks from the military and paramilitary groups.
On 13 December 2013, the Department of Education (DepEd) issued Memorandum 221, which was based on the Letter Directive 25 of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). The memo virtually allowed the use of schools by the military, according to then Kabataan Partylist representative Terry Ridon.
Ridon also said that the “DepEd memo and the AFP directive were inimical to the protection of children’s rights. Allowing military presence in educational institutions is tantamount to increasing risks for children, especially those living in situations of conflict.”
Although the memo supposedly prohibits the use of schools in purely military operations, it does allow the use of school grounds for “civil-military operations,” which Cristina Palabay of Philippine-based human rights group Karapatan said was just double-talk for use of schools for military purposes.
“The memo is clearly being used by the AFP to enter schools for military purposes,” decried Palabay, adding that military operations against Lumad schools have resulted in “killings, torture and other rights violations, especially trained against those perceived to be the government’s enemies, and in the process have likewise resulted to direct attacks against children’s rights.”
Palabay was right on point. The Save Our Schools Network (SOS), an alliance of children’s and Indigenous rights activists that was formed in 2012 when attacks on Lumad schools started occurring under then-President Benigno Aquino’s term, has recorded at least 214 attacks on Indigenous schools in Mindanao alone between 2012 and 2014.
Twenty other DepEd-run schools were also attacked or were used by the military as camps during military operations in the same period. Violations included military occupation and forced closure of schools, extrajudicial killings, vilification and red-tagging of NGOs and school staff, illegal arrests and detention, among others.
Some 1800 Lumad were forced to flee their homes due to a series of killings, harassment and school-and-house burnings that happened in Lianga, Surigao del Sur on 24 October 2014. Henry Alameda, a chieftain from the Manobo tribe, had just finished eating when armed men barged into his home and dragged him outside his house, where he was shot in the head and the chest.
At 4 pm of the same day, shots were fired at the house of Alejandro Dumaguit in Brgy. San Lorenzo of the same town. Dumaguit’s son died due to gunshot wounds while Dumaguit himself and his two other children were also wounded. Two school buildings run by the Tribal Filipino Program of Surigao del Sur (TRIFPSS) were also set on fire by suspected members of the military and the Bagani paramilitary group which has ties to the AFP.
On 11 March 2015, soldiers encamped inside the buildings of two Lumad schools located in the hinterlands of Talaingod, Davao del Norte. They entered residents’ homes without permission and branded several community members of being members of the NPA (New People’s Army), a charge the residents denied. The school, run by the Salupungan Learning Center, had to postpone student activities due to the military encampment of their buildings.
On 30 August 2015, military forces arrived at the village of Han-ayan in Lianga, Surigao del Sur and encamped on the school grounds run by ALCADEV. Residents were roused by the military and members of the Magahat-Bagani paramilitary group and were herded to the village basketball court where they were told they would be killed if they did not leave the village in two days. Dionel Campos and Datu Juvello Sinzo were then shot by the Magahat-Bagani in front of the frightened residents. That same morning the body of Emerito Samarca, ALCADEV director, was found inside the dormitory provided by ALCADEV for its teachers with his throat slit. This triggered the evacuation of some 2000 Lumad in the area.
Just over one month later, on 12 November 2015, armed men believed to be members of the military and the Magahat-Bagani paramilitary force also burned down another school building run by ALCADEV in Sibagat, Surigao del Sur.
No let up
In an unprecedented move, Duterte invited Lumad and other Indigenous rights activists for a meeting at the Malacanang Palace immediately after his inauguration as the country’s chief executive.
Yet attacks on Lumad schools have continued under the present administration. Between July 2016 and July 2017, the SOS Network documented at least 68 attacks that affected 89 Lumad schools and over 2500 Indigenous children. Ironically, 80% of the attacks happened in the southern Mindanao area which is Duterte’s home region.
In October 2016, local police of Palimbang, Sultan Kudarat started hanging streamers around town that labeled CLANS as the “entry-point of deception of the NPA” and that the schools were “fake and illegitimate.” Residents in a village were gathered in a meeting and municipal officials repeated the allegations against CLANS. Municipal officials also started distributing fliers to town residents promising a PhP5000 reward for anyone who can produce pictures of CLANS staff. The said NGO had to suspend classes for 20 schools due to the vilification campaign, which was allegedly spearheaded by the town mayor in partnership with local police and military authorities.
On 6 July 2017, residents of Han-ayan had to again flee their community when military personnel were sighted near the village. Residents reported hearing military helicopters circling the community, fueling fears of a repeat of the 2015 grisly killings. Over 2000 Lumad fled Han-ayan, including students and teachers. More than 700 Lumad students were affected. The residents had barely rehabilitated their communities after returning from a one-year evacuation in September 2016.
Harassment, trumped-up charges and vilification campaigns against teachers and students of Lumad schools are also commonplace. MISFI and STTILCI were prevented from operating schools for the Lumad in 2015 when the regional DepEd office in southern Mindanao refused to grant them permits to operate their schools. Paramilitary groups barred MISFI teachers from travelling to Sitio Muling in Capalong, Davao del Norte where one of their schools was located. In addition, DepEd regional officials recommended the replacement of MISFI teachers with military personnel as “para-teachers.”
In December 2015, charges of trafficking and child abuse were filed against teachers from ALCADEV and parents from MAPASU. The complainant, a Lumad woman, alleged that ALCADEV’s staff were allowing the students of ALCADEV to be trained as NPA members. Human rights activists believe the complaint was instigated by military officials given that the complainant was the common-law wife of a soldier who was at that time deployed in the area.
Most recently, in September 2017, military officials filed charges of murder and frustrated murder against six volunteer teachers of CLANS supposedly in connection to the killing of a soldier and the wounding of nine others in Kalamansig, Sultan Kudarat. The six volunteer teachers and seven other people were accused by the military of being involved in the incident as NPA rebels or supporters, something that they and human rights groups have denied. 33 schools run by CLANS have been forcibly closed down as a result.
Despite promises of change and peace, it seems the present government is keen on continuing the policy of repression the Lumad have experienced from the past administrations.
During a speech in June 2017, former military officer and now Magdalo parylist Rep. Ashley Acedillo said in 2015 that 70% of the NPA are from the Lumad, a claim that has been repeated by other government and military officials since then, with even Duterte expressing belief in the statement.
Government and military officials point to Lumad schools as one of the reasons for this occurrence, alleging that the schools are breeding grounds for subversion and that these schools are actually being run by the CPP-NPA and are being used by the Maoists for recruitment.
The NPA has been “using Lumad schools for indoctrinating, agitating and recruiting new cadres,” claimed AFP public affairs chief Col. Edgard Arevalo in a statement.
In fact, Duterte himself said as much when he made the same accusations about the Lumad schools during a press conference immediately after his second State of the Nation Address (SONA) on 24 July 2017, saying that the schools were teaching Lumad children “subversion, communism, everything” and “to rebel against the government.”
Duterte’s claims against Lumad schools, however, were denied by the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), calling them “a big lie, deceitful and provokes further attacks against the Lumad peoples.” The NDFP is an umbrella organization that counts the CPP and the NPA among its members.
The SOS Network also refuted Duterte’s claims, saying that the Lumad schools have the necessary government permits to operate and that the 221 schools that serve over 8000 Indigenous children have long been “partners of the Department of Education’s Indigenous People’s Education Program (IPED) that aims to combat illiteracy in the Indigenous communities.”
Even the DepEd has belied Duterte’s statement, with a spokesperson stating that “there are no existing Lumad schools that are illegally operating” and that all Lumad schools were duly registered.
Even more alarming are Duterte’s threats to bomb Lumad schools and communities. The militarization of Lumad communities has been going on for decades, mostly covertly and has been denied by the government and by military officials while government forces have largely escaped punishment for abuses. Duterte’s pronouncement, however, is the first time a Philippine president publicly threatened to bomb Lumad schools and communities.
“Leave. I’m telling those in the Lumad schools now, get out. I’ll bomb you. I’ll include your structures,” announced Duterte in Filipino during a press conference.
The statement has caused outrage among human rights activists and other cause-oriented groups in the country and elsewhere, with advocacy group Human Rights Watch declaring that “by calling for an attack on schools, Duterte is directing the military to commit war crimes. International humanitarian law – the laws of war – prohibits attacks on schools and other civilian structures unless they are being used for military purposes. Deliberately attacking civilians, including students and teachers, is also a war crime.”
“If the schools were destroyed, so is our future,” lamented Jerome Succor Aba, spokesperson of Sandugo, a nationwide alliance of national minorities, adding that Duterte’s statement means that he wants “to destroy our race.”
SOS Network strongly condemned Duterte, saying that his declaration will be considered as “a marching order by his lapdogs in the AFP, continuing and intensifying attacks on Lumad schools, communities and projects.”
Resistance
During Duterte’s second SONA, almost 200 Lumad, including some 50 students of ALCADEV and other Lumad schools, joined the protest march to condemn the continued militarization of Indigenous communities and attacks on Lumad schools.
“We came here to demand for justice,” said Dulphing Ogan, secretary-general of the Mindanao-wide Lumad alliance Kalumaran.
“It looks like he has forgotten his promise to help us. We are here to remind him,” Ogan added.
It seems Duterte has indeed forgotten, given his pronouncement regarding the bombing of Lumad schools. In fact, the government has canceled peace negotiations with the NDFP, which would have recognized the right to self determination of Indigenous Peoples as well as their right to establish their own schools.
On 31 August 2017, 2600 people from national minority groups arrived in Manila in what has become a yearly event dubbed the Lakbayan. This year’s activities focused on demands that the government lift martial law that was declared in Mindanao on 23 May. Duterte made the declaration after the terrorist group Dawlah Islamiyah led by the Maute brothers launched an attack on the Moro-dominated Islamic city of Marawi in Mindanao.
The declaration, however, has been met with resistance by Indigenous and human rights groups.
A member of Katribu calls for an end to miliatrization and attacks on their schools and scommunittie.s (Photo by Mark Ambay III/Lente)
“Martial law will just give the military and the paramilitary groups under them a stronger license to pillage Indigenous and Moro communities,” said Piya Malayao of Katribu, an alliance of Indigenous Peoples groups in the Philippines.
Even the children who study in Lumad schools are against the declaration.
“It’s not the NPA or the Maute group that’s getting bombed, it’s civilians,” said Dimlester Dumanglay, who is 13 and one of the Indigenous children studying in a Lumad school, in an interview with a major Philippine daily. He was referring to the bombings in Marawi that the government has launched in order to flush the Maute fighters out of the city.
Dumanglay added that red-tagging of Lumad schools has gotten worse under Duterte, especially after martial law was declared.
“They filed complaints against our teachers, accused them of trafficking and child abuse. Those aren’t true. Those complaints shouldn’t be continued, because our teachers only teach us the truth, how to read, write, and count,” he lamented.
Though a government spokesperson has since clarified Duterte’s statement regarding bombing Lumad schools, and the military has stated that it would not bomb the schools, Duterte himself has remained silent on the issue and has not retracted his statement.
With martial law still in effect in Mindanao, Michael Fay, a community educator from CLANS, predicts that things will get worse and that with the continuation of martial law “there will be more school closures.”
Aba believes that the possible closure of more Lumad schools can and will have negative effects on the Lumad and other national minorities and that the future of their people is on the line. Duterte’s policies and the human rights violations being experienced by the Lumad and other national minorities is adding fuel to the oppression that the Lumad have experienced for years.
And with that, Aba believes there is only one course the Lumad peoples will take.
“We will be left with no choice but to resist.”
Indigenous children protest against continued attacks on Lumad schools during President Rodrigo Duterte’s Second State of the Nation Address. (Photo by Anjo Bacarisas/Lente)
Mula sa makulay na tribu ng Kagan na matatagpuan sa Tagum, Davao del Norte si Jierah Sulayman. Si Jierah Sulayman ay bahagi ng isang Medical Team ng Southern Mindanao Region (SMR), District 2 at kabilang din sa organisasyong Pagsambok ng Morong Manlulupa at Mangingisda sa Banakon o PAMOMMABA.
Mahigit kumulang 290 ektaryang lupain ang kinakamkam ng ilang mga kapitalista mula sa Tribu ng Kagan. Naroon ang balak nilang pagpapatayo ng mga Resorts at mga plantasyon na malinaw na nagpapakita ng ebidensiyang pang-aagaw ng lupain ng mga Moro, at katulad ng ibang kwento ng mga Lakbayani ay kakambal ng mga ganitong istorya ang militarisasyon. Sa mga ganitong aktibidad ng mga kapitalista ay talagang maituturing na palasak ang salitang ‘militarisasyon’. Upang mabigyang daan ang mga naglalalakihang proyektong ito ng mga kapitalista sa malalawak na lupain sa Tagum ay pwersahang pinaaalis ng mga militar ang mga tao sa komunidad, mayroon pang mga senaryong sinusunog ng mga berdugong militar na ito ang mga kubo’t ilang mga kabahayang kanilang pinaglalagian.
Bukod pa sa walang habas na pangangamkam sa lupang nagbibigay buhay sa kanila ay lantaran din ang diskriminasyong kanilang natatanggap, kung saan ay nababansagan ang mga kakabaihan ng ‘terorista’ lalo na kapag ang kasuotan nila’y kulay itim, isang senaryong nagpapakita ng ‘Islamophobia’.
At sa gitna ng kanilang paglalakbay papunta rito sa kalunsuran upang makiisa sa Lakbayan ay hinarang sila sa Nasipit Port sa Butuan City upang hingan ng I.D. ang bawat isa sa kanila na tumagal ng humigit kumulang tatlong oras na paghihintay. Nakapagdulot ito ng perwisyo sa kanila na nagresulta sa hindi pagtuloy ng iba nilang mga kasamahan sa kadahilanang walang ma-ipakitang I.D. Ngunit hindi sa ganitong mga dahilan ang hahadlang sa kanila upang makibahagi sa Lakbayan ng Moro at Pambansang Minorya 2017.
Narito ang Moro at katutubong mamamayan upang iparating sa Metro Manila, ang sentro ng pampulitikang kapangyarihan ng Pilipinas, ang kalagayan ng mga katutubo sa iba’t ibang bahagi ng bansa. Dumating sa lungsod ng Maynila noong Agosto 31 ang mahigit 2,000 Bangsamoro at pambansang minorya para sa halos isang buwang kampanya upang ilantad at labanan ang mga pasistang atake ng administrasyong Duterte sa mamamayan. Partikular na kalagayan ng mamamayang Moro tulad ni Jierah ang patuloy na airstrikes sa Marawi City na nagdulot ng malawakang paglikas ng mga residente, kawalan ng kanilang hanapbuhay, pagkakaroon ng iba’t ibang sakit, at kamatayan.
Kahit buong kumot na lungkot at pangamba ang bumabalot kay Jierah nang iwanan niya sa Davao ang kanyang apat na anak upang ipanawagan na maibalik at tuluyang makuha ang kanilang lupang ninuno ay patuloy pa rin ang kaniyang pakikiisa sa pakikibaka para sa kanilang karapatan. At kahit tuluyan na ngang na-reject si Ka Paeng Mariano ay hindi parin dito natatapos ang kanilang paglaban, at hinding-hindi sila mawawalan ng pag-asang muling maibabalik ang kanilang lupa. Patuloy parin ang pagtanaw nila sa mga umagang sisikat ang araw na mapagtatagumpayan nilang mapasakamay muli ang kanilang lupang ninuno.
Isa si Jierah Sulayman sa mga Moro at katutubo na tumungo sa Kamaynilaan para isulong ang kagyat na interes, usapin at karapatan ng mga pambansang minorya. Kuha ni Janine Perillo.
Si Ate Lourdes Omar ay isang Moro na galing sa Zamboanga City na sumama sa Lakbayan ng Pambansang Minorya kasama ang kanyang anak. Nakatigil sila sa UP Diliman para sa Pambansang Lakbayan upang ipanawagan ang kanilang karapatan sa lupa at ang pagpapatigil ng Batas Militar sa Mindanao. Nais niyang ipaabot sa mas marami na ang mga Moro ay hindi masasamang tao o terorista na madalas na ibinibintang sa kanila.
Kabilang si Ate Lourdes sa mahigit 2,500 Moro at katutubo na nagmula sa Luzon, Visayas at Mindanao na naglakbay papuntang Maynila mula Agosto 31 at tatagal hanggang September 21.
Laging mapapansin si Ate Lourdes na nakapuwesto sa pasukan sa puwesto ng mga Moro. Madalas siyang sumisilip at ngumingiti sa bawat pumapasok na kabataang nais makapag-integrate sa mga Moro. Tinanong ko siya kung bakit parang ang saya saya niya tuwing may mga estudyanteng pumapasok. Agad naman sumagot si Ate Lourdes sa akin:
“’Pag may bumibisita sa aming mga estudyante, naaalala ko ang anak ko at naiisip ko nandito na ang anak ko.”
‘Di ko agad maisip bakit nakikita ni Ate Lourdes ang anak niya sa bawat kabataang nakikita. Inalam ko kung nasaan ang anak niya. Sinabi niyang apat na taon na itong nakakulong sa Camp Bagong Diwa sa Taguig dahil sa maling pagbibintang na kabilang ito sa Moro National Liberation Front o MNLF na nasangkot sa tinaguriang “Zamboanga siege” noong 2013, panahon ng pagkapangulo ni Noynoy Aquino.
Kasagsagan ng putukan at barilan sa kanilang tinitirahan sa Sta. Catalina, Zamboanga City ay may tumawag sa kanya at nagtanong tungkol sa kanyang anak na si Aiza Omar at pinapapunta siya sa police station. Agad naman siyang pumunta sa barangay hall para magpasama sa police station para makita niya ang kanyang anak. Pero inabisuhan siya ng barangay captain na huwag lumabas sa kanilang lugar dahil delikado pa noong mga panahong iyon.
Simula noon, hindi niya akalaing hindi niya na makikita ng ilan taon ang anak niya. Hindi niya akalain na ang kanyang anak na babae ay mapapagkamalan na isang MNLF.
Mga larawan ni Aiza, anak ni ate Lourdes na hinuli at kinulong na napagkamalang MNLF apat na taon ang nakakaraan. Kuha ni KJ Dumapit.
“May ganito bang MNLF? Labing-siyam na taong gulang pa lang ang anak ko ‘nung hinuli nila. Ang tanging pangarap lamang niya ay iyong mabigyan kami ng magandang buhay, kaya siya nagtratrabaho malapit sa aming barangay,” sinabi ni Ate Lourdes habang pinapakita ang larawan ng anak niya.
(Ang isang anak niya ay nakapagtapos ng Education, major in English, pero ‘di nakapagtrabaho, sabi ni Ate Lourdes, dahil sa pagiging Muslim.)
Tinanong ko si Ate Lourdes kung pupunta siya sa Camp Bagong Diwa para bisitahin ang kanyang anak. Malapit na lang sa UP Diliman ang Bicutan, kaysa naman sa Zamboanga bago siya makapunta rito.
Ang tanging sagot niya sakin ay “Hindi maaari, dahil ang tanging tingin nila sa akin ay isang terorista dahil sa pagiging Moro ko.”
Hindi pa man malakasan ni Ate Lourdes ang kanyang loob na bisitahin ang kanyang anak, sinabi niyang sa Lakbayan naman niya naramdaman na tanggap siya at masaya siyang nakikita ng mga kasama at ng mga bumibisita, kaiba sa kadalasang nararanasang iniiwasan sila at hindi kinakausap dahil sa kanilang kasuotan.
Minsan mahirap maging daulyan ng mga kwento ng mga personal at kolektibong kaapihan ng mga kababayan natin. Ang nakakapagkalma na lang sa kalooban ay ang kapasyahan nilang manindigan. Lalo’t mula nang nakausap ko si Ate Lourdes, hindi ko mapigilang hilingin, minsan nakakatulugan kong isipin na sana sa isang pambihirang pagkakataon na nakarating si Ate Lourdes sa Maynila ay mabigyan siya ng pagkakataong makita ang kanyang anak.
Hawak ni Ate Lourdes ang larawan ng kanyang anak na si Aiza. Kuha ni KJ Dumapit.
Mula sa Gitnang Luzon buong loob na sumama sa Lakbayan 2017 si Diskon Serrano upang maihatid ang hinaing mula sa kanayunan tungo sa kalunsuran.
Si Diskon Serrano o Tatay Miron ay nagmula sa Tribu ng Maganchie. Matagal nang walang asawa si Tatay Miron, nagkaroon na rin ng kanya-kanyang pamilya ang kanyang mga anak. Sa ngayon dalawa na lamang sila ng kanyang isa pang anak na magkasama sa isang tahanan. Pareho silang sumama sa Lakbayan, upang tutulan ang mga nakaambang proyekto na maaaring magbunga nang pagkasira ng kanilang mga tahanan at hanap-buhay.
Nais nilang tutulan ang malawakang proyekto ng pamahalaan. Ito ang New Clark City na may tinatayang lawak na 9,500 hektarya o halos triple ng laki sa Lungsod ng Maynila. Kabilang ito sa plano ng administrasyon na, “Build, Build, Build”.
Nilalayon nitong bumuo ng panibagong Lungsod sa rehiyon nila, upang masolusyunan daw ang pagsikip ng Maynila. Isang mabulaklak na kataga pa ang iniwan hinggil dito, “First environmental friendly city in the country”.
Sa ngayon walang konkretong plano ang pamahalaan para sa katulad ni Tatay Miron. Noong taong 2015 bago simulan ang proyekto sinabing magkakaroon daw ng Aeta Village at doon patitirahin sila kasama ng iba pang tribu, na magiging sentro naman ng turismo. Kumbaga, gagamitin sila upang maipakita sa mga turista at mapagkakitaan.
Dahil nga sa may proyektong pinaplano kakambal na nito ang militarisasyon. Parang barikadang nakatayo ang mga militar sa kanilang lugar upang bantayan ang mga nais kumalaban sa plano ng gobyerno.
Kung gaano kalaki ang proyekto ganoon din kalaki ang kabalintunaang inihahayag nito. Paanong matatawag na kaibigan ito ng kalikasan kung pinaplano nitong patagin ang mga nagtataasang bundok. Paanong sa ikabubuti ito ng mamamayan kung ang mga naninirahan na doon ay paalisin at walang malilipatan?
“Upang maparating sa pamahalaan ang mga suliraning dinaranas namin. Sapagkat nandito ang sentro.”
Ito ang sinabing dahilan ni Tatay Andres Waylan nang tanungin siya kung bakit siya sumama sa taunang Lakbayan ng mga Pambansang Minorya. Mula si Tatay Andres, o mas kilala sa kanila bilang Otsi, sa Tribung Igorot sa Kordilyera. Dagdag pa niya tinatawag daw silang “Igorot” dahil ang ibig sabihin ng “I” ay “taga” at ang “Gorot” ay mula sa salitang “Golot” o “bundok”, mga taga-bundok.
Higit na mas mahirap ang suliraning kinahaharap ng tribu ni Tatay Otsi sa ngayon. Kung noon ang mga numero unong kalaban nila ay ang mga dambuhalang kapitalista, ngayon ay ang mismong gobyerno na.
Tinatayang 1.8 milyong hektarya ang lawak ng buong Kordilyera. Aabot sa 600,000 hektarya rito ay nais ilaaan sa mga proyektong maaaring pagkakitaan.
Kabi-kabila ang mga proyektong nais kamkamin sa kanilang lugar. Una na riyan ang mga minahan na ayon kay Tatay Otsi ay nandadambong ng lupain sa Kordilyera.
Pangalawa, ang mga hydropower projects na nais itayo sa mga ilog nila. Sa ngayon ay nasa limang dam na raw ang nakatayo sa kanila, at may tinatayang 108 pang dam ang nais pang gawin.
Nariyan din ang mga geothermal projects, kung saan walo sa mga ito ay awarded na. Ang bawat isang geothermal project ay sumasakop ng 25,000 hektarya na maaaring sumakop na lupang ninuno ng isang tribu.
Dahil nga sa kaliwa’t-kanang mga plano ng mga malalaking kapitalista, maging ng gobyerno na rin, hindi nakagugulat na nariyan na naman ang isyu ng militarisasyon. Isa sa numero unong nalalabag na batas ng militar ay ang kanilang pagkakampo sa mismong komunidad. Sumunod na diyan ang kanilang pang-aabuso. Nagkakaroon pa lalo nang sanga-sangang problema ang pagsulpot ng mga sundalo sa kanilang lugar.
Kaya buong pagpapasyang dumayo si Tatay Otsi kasama ang iba pang taga-Kordilyera upang ipanawagan ang mga suliraning hindi nakakaabot sa kalunsuran. Sila na mismo ang naghahatid ng kuwento rito, upang sila’y mapakinggan at matulungan.
Kabundukan ang kabuhayan–ayan ang sabi ni Tatay Ruben Asuncion na mula sa tribu ng Tagbanua Cuyonen sa Palawan. Ganito na lamang ang pagpapahalaga ni Tatay Ruben sa kabundukan sa kanilang lugar sa Barangay Banbanan, Taytay Palawan dahil wari ni Tatay Ruben ay maaari itong maglaho sa kanila nang biglaan kung patuloy itong aagawin sa kanila.
Naglunsad ang gobyerno ng National Greening Program o NGP na kung saan ay magtatanim sila ng kahit anong pananim sa isang lupain na kunwari’y makatutulong sa mga mamamayan sa komunidad na ito. Ngunit katulad din ng ilang proyekto’t programa ng pamahalaan, ang NGP ay isang huwad na programa lamang na animo’y tutulong sa kabuhayan ng mga mamamayan, ngunit taktika lamang nila ito upang sa kalauna’y maangkin ng gobyerno ang mga lupang nataniman at tuluyang maagaw.
Mayroong banta sa kanilang mga kabundukan na paglulunsaran ng ilang mga proyekto’t establisyemento, at bunga ng ganitong mga plano ay malaki ang posibilidad na mawalan ng tirahan at hanapbuhay ang mga tao roon. Mapatutunayan kung gaano nililinlang ng proyektong NGP ang mga taga-Taytay sa paraang ang mismong gobyerno ang magdedesisyon kung ano ang mga dapat itanim para kalaunan ay sila-sila rin mismo ang makikinabang sa mga pananim nilang iyon. At upang tuluyang maisakatuparan ang NGP ay nagtatalaga ng mga militar sa mga barangay nang sa gayo’y walang palag ang mga mamamayan sa bawat komunidad.
Ang isyu na ito ay hindi lamang banta para sa tribu nila Tatay Ruben ngunit ng siyam na tribu na matatagpuan sa Palawan: ang Cuyonen, Agotaynen, Cagaynen, Batak, Calamyanen, Palaw’en, Mulbog, Ken’ey at Tagbanua. Siyam na tribu ang masasagasaan ng programang ito, siyam na iba’t-ibang makukulay na kultura ang hindi malabong maglaho gawa ng mga ganitong proyektong ipatatayo at siyam na tribu kapalit ng kaunlarang para lamang sa iilan? Ganitong pagbabago nga ba ang hangad ng lahat? Pagbabago nga bang maituturing kung ang kabundukang katumbas ay kanilang buhay ay wawasakin at papatagin para lamang higit na umangat ang mga nasa tuktok?
Ga-higante man ang kalaban nila Tatay Ruben mula sa pagpoprotekta ng kanilang lupa’t kabundukan ay hindi sila matatakot mula sa mga walang habas na nangangamkam nito. Kabundukan sa kanila’y buhay kaya’t walang dahilan upang hindi nila ito ipaglaban.
Photos of students donning the iconic ‘sablay’ (the graduation costume of the University of the Philippines or UP) partnered with a 1,500 characters of caption are now flooding Facebook. Uniquely UP sablay photo shoots are set in different locations varying from the usual photo studios to the more mundane—in bushes, roadsides, and beachfront, and to the uncommon as underwater. It is literally everywhere. Graduates are relishing their victory from the four or more years battle to finally wear the iconic gold, green and maroon sash and receive the premier state university’s diploma.
The June graduation is another distinction of UP from most schools since its adoption of the academic calendar shift just 2 years ago.
But another striking distinction of UP’s graduation from that of other colleges and universities is the usual occurrence of protest rallies. Midway through the graduation rites, one student would usually shout angrily ‘Im-per-yalismo!’ and then a throng of graduates would make a thunderous reply ‘I-bag-sak!’ and the long list of chants would follow.
Taking pride of being the bastion of academic freedom and excellence, UP, its graduates and the whole academic community have made these usually anti-government, anti-capitalist, anti-status quo protests an enduring tradition. Given the ever narrowing democratic space within the university and in the whole country, the ever zealous activists, in turn, have utilized all available platforms including graduation ceremonies to send their message of nationalism and common welfare to the broader public. In some instances, these protests are coordinated with college administrations and are even formally integrated into the official graduation program. Last 2016, UP Diliman installed an enormous tarpaulin bearing the statement “Serve the People” supposedly as a challenge to the new graduates to give back to the country and partake in nation-building. Graduation protests usually culminate with a chant that was derived from the same Serve the People slogan, “Iskolar ng Bayan tumungo sa kanayunan, paglingkuran ang samabayanan”. During these protests, most if not all graduates join in chanting and even in raising their clenched left fists while singing the final stanzas of UP Naming Mahal. But beyond the clichéd remarks, the silly ‘wag magpakain sa sistema’ statements, the unity in chanting, the important question remains to be: what does serving the people really mean?
Historically, UP gave its best and the brightest in complete and selfless service to the national democratic revolution. Its chemists, engineers, artists and thinkers went to the hills, took up arms, fought a dictatorship in the 1970s, and sowed the seeds of what would become the most enduring revolutionary movement in Asia and the world and the most formidable foe of the government. From Chinese communist leader Mao Zedong’s eloquent words, Filipino youth revolutionaries used the slogan ‘Serve the People’ as their own battle cry. They took it as an inspiration for their own struggle in the Philippines together with Prof. Jose Maria Sison’s book, Philippine Society and Revolution. Using the lessons provided by the university’s liberal education and the ideals taught by the harsh social realities outside its campus, these sons and daughters of UP had the sense of serving the people by going to the hinterlands where most of the country’s population is, to establish a revolutionary, democratic and socially just government.
Years after the fall of the dictatorship, the meaning of the phrase “Serve the People” did not change. Its message even reverberated in a society that remains to be market-driven, plagued by massive inequality, hunger, and poverty. The nationalist fervor of UP did not wane as many Iskolar ng Bayan continued to march to the mountains and serve the cause of the national democratic revolution.
Activists stage a lightning rally during University of the Philippines Manila’s graduation ceremonies at the PICC last June 20, 2017. Photo by Axl Caesar Marcelo Ofrecio
However, serving the people may be construed as that which can take in many forms and several differing degrees. Service can be parsed as staying in the country as a doctor, however, serving only the richest folks in Makati or Taguig and retaining an ostentatious lifestyle. Or, helping build the country’s economy as an economic planner who ensures that wealth flows only towards one direction – only to the affluent families of the nation. Or, service to the people by becoming a cohort of a legislator who has plundered the public coffers by the billions.
The particularity of the chant “Iskolar ng Bayan tumungo sa kanayunan, paglingkuran ang samabayanan” gives clarity and preciseness to the call to serve the people.
In the situation of an industrially backward and feudal Philippines, service is definitely not like those listed above. Hence, the meaning of the challenge “Serve the People” in a historical, moral and practical context of the country is the offering of oneself to the fight for national liberation, not anything less. It is the conscious act of embodying the hopes of the people and elevating these aspirations into greater collective interest. To participate in a movement that aims to overthrow a government that systematically murders millions of its poor citizens in favor of a ruling one percent is plain, genuine service to the people. And risking one’s life for such is a fitting response to a challenge that requires superlatives. There are many positions to fill in the revolution ranging from literacy teachers to the Mamanwa indigenous peoples of Leyte; organizers of peasant communities in Samar; leaders of fisherfolk in Biliran; researcher for farmers’ associations; or ultimately, a full-fledged guerrilla fighter of the New People’s Army.
Activists know all too well that the principal method to achieve the goal of a just society is to slay the monsters that are imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat capitalism. And to do so is not by sitting idly in the comforts of an air-conditioned office or in front of a laptop hovering over videos of cats and cakes but by severing ties with the corrupt establishment. It is a painful but necessary process of cutting the umbilical cord that ties the youth to the system that saw their birth and that of their fore-parents. The goal is also a reminder that activism should not be synthetic that comes only from textbooks and lectures. It should not also be transient, that only gives adventure and thrill in college life. That activism springs from the deepest recesses of the soul, from actual life.
We howl our slogans in the streets to convince the unconvinced of our ideals, and we can be more effective if we live up to it.
Finally, may this serve as an invitation to reexamine our creed, review our assumptions, and interrogate ourselves: who are we for?
Peace and human rights advocates, church people, progressive groups and indigenous peoples gave tribute to personalities who have made essential contributions to the peace negotiations of the Government of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP). The short, sincere recognition was held at the September 2 gathering that celebrated the 25th anniversary of The Hague Joint Declaration, known as the document that laid down the framework of the peace negotiations.
The dedications below were read by former NDFP peace panel member and former Bayan Muna Rep. Satur Ocampo at the event.
(Illustrations by Luigi Almuena of Ugatlahi Artists Collective.)
The fifth round peace talks between the GRP and the NDFP in May 2017 were cancelled. GRP President Rodrigo Duterte has repeatedly declared cancellation of talks, but has yet to send the other party a formal notice of cancellation, this process as stated in previously signed agreements.
Peace advocates, meanwhile, continue to call for the resumption of peace talks.
(Courtesy of Bagong Alyansang Makabayan, Pilgrims for Peace and Kapayapaan)
“Ang US ang pangunahing terorista sa buong mundo. Ngayon taon lang, nasa pitong bansa na ang binomba niya sa balatkayong ‘war on terror,’” ani Amirah Lidasan, Pangkalahatang Kalihim ng Moro Christian People’s Alliance.
Sa bisperas ng ika-16 na taon mula nang sinimulan ng Estados Unidos (US) ang kanyang “war on terror” sa buong mundo, binalikan ng grupo ng mga Moro na bahagi ng Lakbayan ng Pambansang Minorya ang pinagmulan ng pagkalat ng Islamophobia sa mundo.
Seytembre 11, 2001 ang pagsagasa ng mga eroplano na inulat na na-hijack ng grupong Al-Qaeda sa World Trade Center, kung saan 3,000 ang namatay at naging batayan ng US ng paglulunsad ng ‘war on terror’. Ang Al-Qaeda ay kilalang grupong binuo at pinondohan din ng US.
“Nahati ang mundo sa US global war on terror. Sabi ng US, either you are with us or against us. Ang unang tumugong positibo ay ang dating pangulong si Gloria Arroyo, nagsabing open na open ang inyong war on terror dito sa Pilipinas. Ito ang nagbigay-daan na makapanumbalik ang maraming bilang ng US troops sa aming ligar at maraming lugar sa bansa na na-subject sa kanilang war games o Balikatan exercises,” sabi ni Lidasan.
Inugat ni Lidasan kung saan nagmula ang mga ekstremistang gawi at grupo.
“Isa siyang reaksyon worldwide sa pagpasok ng US at pagkontrol nila sa mga areas ng bansa na mayroong natural resources tulad ng langis at mayamang mineral. Kapag may mga presidente o prime minister sa isang bansa na hindi tumutugon sa US o hindi kumakampi sa US, dito na rin sinumulan ang kanyang ‘regime change’ sa loob ng US war on terror,”
Sinabi ni Lidasan na binaluktot ng US at kaniyang mga kinasangkapan sa ‘regime change’ ang mga turo ng Islam.
“Maraming bilang ng mamamayan, mga pamilya, mga dating sundalo na kanilang inaarmasan at sinasanay ng CIA, US military at sinasabing sila ang nagsasagawa ng ‘regime change’. Hinahayaan ng US ang kanilang mga radikal na ideya. Kalakhan ng mga turo at kahit pa ang berso sa Koran ay binaluktot nila para majustify sa ginagawang ‘regime change’ at pagpapagamit ng mga grupo sa mga bansang gusto nilang palitan ang presidente,” paliwanag ni Lidasan.
Dagdag niya, dinala rin ng US hanggang sa Mindanao ay dinadala ang ganitong gawi.
Kilala ring pinondohan ng US ang Abu Sayyaf at maging ang mga tinugis ng US na ‘terorista’ sa kalupaan ng bansa, gaya ni Zulkipli Bin Hir o Marwan na napatay sa Mamasapano, ay kasapi ng Jemaah Islamiyah na kaanib na grupong Al Qaeda.
At sa kasalukuyan, sabi niya, para magamit muli ng US sa kanyang bentahe ang mga binuo, sinanay at pinondohang ekstremistang grupo, US din mismo ang nagpakana ng Islamophobia sa mundo sa pagpapanggap na nilalabanan niya itong mga grupong siya naman ang nagbuo.
Inusisa naman ng kinatawan ng mga evacuee mula sa Marawi ang presensya ng terorismo kung saan mayroon ding presensya ang US.
“Sa Marawi City, may US military installation at may US troops. Noong niralihan namin iyon noong 2009, sinasabi nila andoon nila para pigilan ang terorismo. Pero bakit ngayon umusbong ang mga grupong terorista sa Lanao del Sur at nakapasok pa sa Marawi,” pag-uusisa ni Aida Ibrahim ng Tindeg Ranao.
Lalo namang nasindihan ang Islamophobia sa Mindanao at sa US dahil sa krisis sa Marawi, ani Lidasan.
“Kapag Muslim ka, ISIS ka. Kapag naka-black ka, ISIS ka. Kasi black daw ang kulay ng ISIS. Kaya hinuhuli raw yung mga naka-black. Ilalapit pa ang mukha mo sa tarp ng larawan ng mga wanted para masabi kung Maute ka o ISIS ka,” pagbabahagi ni Lidasan.
Sistematikong pagpapakalat ng Islamophobia
“Ako po ay taga-Marawi, pero nawasak na ang aming bahay doon. Wala na ang aming mga ari-arian na magsasabing kami ay taga-Marawi bukod sa aming mga sarili at sa aming wika,”pagsisimula ni Dr. Potre Dirampatan-Diampuan, Regional Coordinator ng URI-SEAPac.
Ikinalulungkot din niya ang diskriminasyon na naranasan ng mga Muslim na sapilitang pinalikas sa Iligan City na nabigyan lang ng ilang oras para umalis matapos ang deklarasyon ni Duterte ng Martial Law sa Mindanao.
“Marawi po ang daming ibinubuhay sa Iligan. Ang ganda ganda ng accommodation sa mga Maranao. Pero nang mangyari ito, ang pinakita ng mga taga-Maranao ay kawalan ng respeto, kawalan ng simpatiya, walang pagmamalasakit,” ani Dr. Dirampatan-Diampuan.
Tinalakay ni Dr. Dirampatan-Diampuan ang kahulugan at katangian ng Islamophobia.
“Ang phobia, ito ay takot na hindi maipalawanag o hindi makatwirang takot sa isang bagay, sitwasyon o tao. Ang islamophobia ay matinding hindi pagkagusto o takot sa islam, at ang isa pa ito ay ito ay poot sa mga Muslim, galit sa mga Muslim,” pagtukoy niya.
“Ano ang mga katangian ng Islamophobia? Static, hindi nagbabago, hindi nagmo-modern kasi uncivilized nga raw. Nakikitang hiwalay o iba pa, hindi kasama, iba sila. Nakikitang mas mababa sa standard ng Kanluran. Nakikitang barbaric daw ang Muslim, primitibo, sexist. Marahas, agresibo—sabihin mo na kung ano ang masama at ito ang larawan na binibigay sa isang Muslim. Ito rin ang larawan sa Islamophobia,” pagtatalakay pa ni Dirampatan-Diampuan.
Sinabi rin niya na ang Islamophobia ay maaaring tangan ng isang indibidwal, pero hindi kakalat ng ganon-ganon lang.
“Ginagastusan ito ng milyon milyon ng mga institusyon para kumalat at maraming mapaniwala,” paghinuha niya.
Ang mga aksyon ng mga extremist na Muslim, gaya ng ISIS, Abu Sayyaf at ang Doula Islamiyah ng Maute ay nagiging dahilan ng paglawak ng paniniwala sa Islamophobia. Bukod pa doon, sabi niya, ay ang kamangmangan tungkol sa Islam at sa mga Muslim at ang xenophobia o matindi o hindi makatwirang pagkagusto sa ibang lahi o tao.
Pinakalat naman ang Islamophobia sa pamamagitan ng media, social media at Hollywood.
Inisa-isa rin ni Dr. Dirampatan-Diampuan ang naging epekto ng Islamophobia sa pang-araw araw na buhay ng mga Moro: kawalan ng oportunidad ng trabaho; impresyon na kawalang-karunungan o walang edukasyon; cyberbullying; pisikal na pinsala; batang nagkakaproblema na pumasok sa paaralan kasi binu-bully ng mga kaklase; hindi tinatanggap ang babaeng naka-hijab na mga babae sa unibersidad; tinatawag na terorista; pagpapalagay na lahat ng mga terorista ay Muslim; mas mahigpit at diskriminasyon sa security check sa paaralan, mall at airport; hindi pinaparahan ng taxi, at iba pa.
“Marami pa po kayong kwento na hindi naririnig, lalo sa Marawi. Masakit po talaga ang nangyari sa Marawi,” pagwawakas ni Dr. Dirampatan-Diampuan
On 5 September 2017, two paramilitary men shot Obillo Bay-ao, a 19-year old Manobo youth from Talaingod town, Davao del Norte. He was a Grade 6 student of the Salupongan Ta’Tanu Igkanugon Learning Center (STTLC), an alternative school for Lumad children in Talaingod. He was rushed to the hospital but died that same night.
Bay-ao was the latest victim of extrajudicial killings perpetrated against Indigenous Peoples all over the country. The Lumad, in particular, have in recent years also experienced a severe government crackdown on Indigenous schools that has threatened the education of thousands of Lumad children.
President Rodrigo Duterte, who also hails from Mindanao, has publicly criticized the killings of the Lumad when he was still mayor of Davao City. During his inaugural speech, he promised to initiate a peace process that would ease back on militarization of Indigenous communities.
But just one year after his inauguration, the supposedly sympathetic Duterte has already turned back on his promises.
Lumad children assert their right to education. (Photo by Anjo Bacarisas/Lente)
The Lumad in the Philippines
There are over 11 million Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines, which translates to at least 11% of the population of the country, according to the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP). Almost 60% of them live in Mindanao and are collectively known as Lumad. They are composed of 18 tribes which include the Manobo, Mandaya, B’laan and Subanen peoples.
The Philippines is a country rich in mineral resources, estimated in 2015 to be about USD 1 trillion worth of untapped mineral reserves in Mindanao alone. Most of these can be found within Lumad ancestral lands. Previous administrations have made extraction of these minerals a national priority with the enactment of the Mining Act of 1995 and President Benigno Aquino III issuing Executive Order 79 (EO 79) in 2012.
The Mining Act allowed for large-scale foreign investments in the mining sector while EO 79 gave the national government a final say in approving applications for mining permits.
Liguasan Marsh, which is part of the ancestral domain of the Moro peoples in Mindanao, holds a large reserve of natural gas worth hundreds of billions of dollars. Some of the largest dams in the Philippines have also been or are currently being constructed in the island as well, including the Pulangi V dam, which threatens to displace thousands of Indigenous Peoples from their ancestral lands and would destroy their means of livelihood and way of life.
Despite these rich natural resources, many Lumad and other Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines remain mired in poverty. Violations against their rights are also commonplace. Indigenous Peoples’ rights are supposedly protected by law in the Philippines through the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA).
The Philippines is also party to the Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Though the IPRA and the UNDRIP are supposed to ensure Indigenous People’s right to self determination and control over their ancestral lands, the fact is that they still suffer from exploitation, grave human rights abuses, and lack of access to basic social services like health and education.
The right to education is a globally recognized fundamental right and is seen as a “multiplier” right because it helps enable people to experience and fulfill other rights that they should enjoy as human beings. Education is also seen as a means to break the cycle of poverty and better one’s condition. An educated populace benefits nations in general as it leads to greater productivity, people making more informed choices, and more stable societies.
In the Philippines, although the government allocation for primary and secondary education has been increasing since 2013, only seven out of 10 children who enroll in primary school will complete it while only four out of these seven will finish secondary school. Many children have no access to education to begin with.
The Lumad and other Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines face many challenges on accessing education. Government officials usually do not take into consideration the specific needs and interests of Indigenous Peoples when formulating policies. Also, Indigenous Peoples are more often than not the last to receive basic social services from the government, severely limiting opportunities for Indigenous children.
Poverty is one of the main reasons why Indigenous parents are discouraged from sending their children to school. In 2015, 26.3% of the country’s population lived below the poverty line, while 12.1% of the population lived in abject poverty and have to survive with less than USD 1 per day. Indigenous peoples make up a large bulk of those living in poverty. Many parents have to divide what little money they have for food, health and education needs of the family, with food often taking priority in household spending.
Indigenous children who do attend school, on the other hand, often have to endure walking many kilometers or crossing dangerous rivers and mountainous areas, exposing them to risks during travel. In addition, they often face deeply-entrenched discrimination in an education system that is not particularly responsive to the cultural needs and sensitivities of Indigenous children, who are often treated as outsiders, outcasts, and second-class citizens.
Alternatives
Because of these difficulties and continuing government neglect for the needs of Indigenous Peoples, the Lumad turned to the church and NGOs to ask for assistance so their children can get an education.
The Alternative Learning Center for Agricultural and Livelihood Development (ALCADEV) one of the pioneers in providing education to Indigenous children, was founded by Lumad organizations Kahugpungan sa mga Lumad sa Surigao del Sur (KALUNASS) and the Malahutayong Pakigbisog Alang sa Sumusunod (MAPASU) in 2004. ALCADEV set up an alternative learning system to provide secondary education to Indigenous youth in the hinterlands of the Caraga region in northeast Mindanao, the southernmost major island in the Philippines. ALCADEV provided “education relevant to their (Lumad’s) needs” and taught the children to use the education they received to help their tribes and communities. Since its founding, ALCADEV’s students have achieved almost 100% passing rate for government equivalency exams that would pave the way for them to attend college.
The Center for Lumad Advocacy and Services (CLANS) started out as a non-government organization that partnered with the B’laan people in implementing a sustainable agriculture program for residents of Malapatan town, Saranggani in 2007. CLANS staff learned through their immersion in the community that the B’laans of the village did not know how to read or write.
Community leaders then asked assistance from CLANS staff in providing education to the B’laan children, and by early 2008, CLANS was already training two community educators to teach literacy and numeracy to the Lumad.
In cooperation with the Kahugpongan sa mga Lumad sa Halayong-Habagatang Mindanao (KALUHHAMIN), a Lumad organization that helps in identifying communities that need schools and other services, CLANS now operates over 50 schools in Far Southern Mindanao.
The Rural Missionaries of the Philippines-Northern Mindanao Region (RMP-NMR), on the other hand, is a regional chapter of the Rural Missionaries of the Philippines, a faith-based organization involved in land rights advocacy since 1969. In 2010, RMP-NMR started its Literacy and Numeracy Program (LitNum) upon the request of several Higaonon and Manobo Lumad communities in the region, and by 2014 it was operating schools in 17 Indigenous communities serving over 500 Indigenous children.
Another pioneer in providing education to Lumad children is the Mindanao Interfaith Services Foundation, Inc. (MISFI), which started holding literacy and numeracy classes for the Lumad in 1984. In 2007, with assistance from the European Union, MISFI built 20 community schools to provide alternative formal schooling for Indigenous children; today MISFI operates nine secondary schools and 22 primary schools for the Lumad in partnership with PASAKA, a Southern Mindanao-based Lumad organization.
Tailor-fit
The creation of these culturally-sensitive schools tailor-fit for the needs of Indigenous Peoples have had a profound effect on the Lumad and their communities. And they are now getting the education they need for free.
“My father and grandfather have always dreamed of getting my siblings and I a good education,” related Jomar, who is an 8th grade student in one of MISFI’s schools. His father and grandfather are both datu (tribal chieftain) of the Ata-Manobo tribe from Capalong, Davao del Norte and Jomar’s sister and brother are also MISFI students.
“When MISFI opened classes, I was one of the first students even though I was older than my classmates. I really wanted to learn,” he added.
And it’s not only children who benefited from education; the Lumad schools have held literacy and numeracy classes for adults, as well. Jomar’s adoptive mother and other members of his clan were also students of these classes.
“Amay (Mother) and I would read together at night so she could learn, too. She was so proud when she graduated from her class,” remembers Jomar.
And the schools have provided not just education to the Lumad; they also taught livelihood skills as well as sustainable agriculture practices and organic farming that helped ensure food security for Indigenous communities.
Sustainable agriculture and organic farming is part of the curriculum developed by ALCADEV and taught to its students and their parents. At the onset, many of the Lumad were not convinced with the new technology that were taught because, in their own words, “we grew up farming.”
However, as time went by, community members saw the benefits of these subjects for their community. For example, instead of the traditional slash-and-burn farming methods which had disastrous effects on the environment, the Lumad started gradually using sustainable and organic methods.
Increased production has also resulted from implementing sustainable agriculture practices. Han-ayan residents have so far increased production ranging from 38% in 2007 to 88% in 2013, according to one ALCADEV document.
But the most important effect of these schools on the Lumad is far greater than simply increased production or learning to read and write.
“Before the school was established, we really undervalued ourselves and our capacities because we did not have an education,” said Marissa Tejanel, a student of the Fr. Fausto Tentorio Memorial School (FFTMS) in White Culaman village, Kitaotao, Bukidnon. “But with the school and the teachers, it all changed.”
“Before, the Lumad did not know how to read and write. That is the reason why we persevere to have a school because we do not want anyone to step on us because we are illiterate,” she added.
Jomar said their school helped them regain their pride in themselves as Lumad and “united us in standing up and fighting for our rights.”
Crackdown
Despite all the benefits gained by the Lumad from having Indigenous schools in their communities, Lumad schools have for several years faced attacks from the military and paramilitary groups.
On 13 December 2013, the Department of Education (DepEd) issued Memorandum 221, which was based on the Letter Directive 25 of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). The memo virtually allowed the use of schools by the military, according to then Kabataan Partylist representative Terry Ridon.
Ridon also said that the “DepEd memo and the AFP directive were inimical to the protection of children’s rights. Allowing military presence in educational institutions is tantamount to increasing risks for children, especially those living in situations of conflict.”
Although the memo supposedly prohibits the use of schools in purely military operations, it does allow the use of school grounds for “civil-military operations,” which Cristina Palabay of Philippine-based human rights group Karapatan said was just double-talk for use of schools for military purposes.
“The memo is clearly being used by the AFP to enter schools for military purposes,” decried Palabay, adding that military operations against Lumad schools have resulted in “killings, torture and other rights violations, especially trained against those perceived to be the government’s enemies, and in the process have likewise resulted to direct attacks against children’s rights.”
Palabay was right on point. The Save Our Schools Network (SOS), an alliance of children’s and Indigenous rights activists that was formed in 2012 when attacks on Lumad schools started occurring under then-President Benigno Aquino’s term, has recorded at least 214 attacks on Indigenous schools in Mindanao alone between 2012 and 2014.
Twenty other DepEd-run schools were also attacked or were used by the military as camps during military operations in the same period. Violations included military occupation and forced closure of schools, extrajudicial killings, vilification and red-tagging of NGOs and school staff, illegal arrests and detention, among others.
Some 1800 Lumad were forced to flee their homes due to a series of killings, harassment and school-and-house burnings that happened in Lianga, Surigao del Sur on 24 October 2014. Henry Alameda, a chieftain from the Manobo tribe, had just finished eating when armed men barged into his home and dragged him outside his house, where he was shot in the head and the chest.
At 4 pm of the same day, shots were fired at the house of Alejandro Dumaguit in Brgy. San Lorenzo of the same town. Dumaguit’s son died due to gunshot wounds while Dumaguit himself and his two other children were also wounded. Two school buildings run by the Tribal Filipino Program of Surigao del Sur (TRIFPSS) were also set on fire by suspected members of the military and the Bagani paramilitary group which has ties to the AFP.
On 11 March 2015, soldiers encamped inside the buildings of two Lumad schools located in the hinterlands of Talaingod, Davao del Norte. They entered residents’ homes without permission and branded several community members of being members of the NPA (New People’s Army), a charge the residents denied. The school, run by the Salupungan Learning Center, had to postpone student activities due to the military encampment of their buildings.
On 30 August 2015, military forces arrived at the village of Han-ayan in Lianga, Surigao del Sur and encamped on the school grounds run by ALCADEV. Residents were roused by the military and members of the Magahat-Bagani paramilitary group and were herded to the village basketball court where they were told they would be killed if they did not leave the village in two days. Dionel Campos and Datu Juvello Sinzo were then shot by the Magahat-Bagani in front of the frightened residents. That same morning the body of Emerito Samarca, ALCADEV director, was found inside the dormitory provided by ALCADEV for its teachers with his throat slit. This triggered the evacuation of some 2000 Lumad in the area.
Just over one month later, on 12 November 2015, armed men believed to be members of the military and the Magahat-Bagani paramilitary force also burned down another school building run by ALCADEV in Sibagat, Surigao del Sur.
No let up
In an unprecedented move, Duterte invited Lumad and other Indigenous rights activists for a meeting at the Malacanang Palace immediately after his inauguration as the country’s chief executive.
Yet attacks on Lumad schools have continued under the present administration. Between July 2016 and July 2017, the SOS Network documented at least 68 attacks that affected 89 Lumad schools and over 2500 Indigenous children. Ironically, 80% of the attacks happened in the southern Mindanao area which is Duterte’s home region.
In October 2016, local police of Palimbang, Sultan Kudarat started hanging streamers around town that labeled CLANS as the “entry-point of deception of the NPA” and that the schools were “fake and illegitimate.” Residents in a village were gathered in a meeting and municipal officials repeated the allegations against CLANS. Municipal officials also started distributing fliers to town residents promising a PhP5000 reward for anyone who can produce pictures of CLANS staff. The said NGO had to suspend classes for 20 schools due to the vilification campaign, which was allegedly spearheaded by the town mayor in partnership with local police and military authorities.
On 6 July 2017, residents of Han-ayan had to again flee their community when military personnel were sighted near the village. Residents reported hearing military helicopters circling the community, fueling fears of a repeat of the 2015 grisly killings. Over 2000 Lumad fled Han-ayan, including students and teachers. More than 700 Lumad students were affected. The residents had barely rehabilitated their communities after returning from a one-year evacuation in September 2016.
Harassment, trumped-up charges and vilification campaigns against teachers and students of Lumad schools are also commonplace. MISFI and STTILCI were prevented from operating schools for the Lumad in 2015 when the regional DepEd office in southern Mindanao refused to grant them permits to operate their schools. Paramilitary groups barred MISFI teachers from travelling to Sitio Muling in Capalong, Davao del Norte where one of their schools was located. In addition, DepEd regional officials recommended the replacement of MISFI teachers with military personnel as “para-teachers.”
In December 2015, charges of trafficking and child abuse were filed against teachers from ALCADEV and parents from MAPASU. The complainant, a Lumad woman, alleged that ALCADEV’s staff were allowing the students of ALCADEV to be trained as NPA members. Human rights activists believe the complaint was instigated by military officials given that the complainant was the common-law wife of a soldier who was at that time deployed in the area.
Most recently, in September 2017, military officials filed charges of murder and frustrated murder against six volunteer teachers of CLANS supposedly in connection to the killing of a soldier and the wounding of nine others in Kalamansig, Sultan Kudarat. The six volunteer teachers and seven other people were accused by the military of being involved in the incident as NPA rebels or supporters, something that they and human rights groups have denied. 33 schools run by CLANS have been forcibly closed down as a result.
Despite promises of change and peace, it seems the present government is keen on continuing the policy of repression the Lumad have experienced from the past administrations.
During a speech in June 2017, former military officer and now Magdalo parylist Rep. Ashley Acedillo said in 2015 that 70% of the NPA are from the Lumad, a claim that has been repeated by other government and military officials since then, with even Duterte expressing belief in the statement.
Government and military officials point to Lumad schools as one of the reasons for this occurrence, alleging that the schools are breeding grounds for subversion and that these schools are actually being run by the CPP-NPA and are being used by the Maoists for recruitment.
The NPA has been “using Lumad schools for indoctrinating, agitating and recruiting new cadres,” claimed AFP public affairs chief Col. Edgard Arevalo in a statement.
In fact, Duterte himself said as much when he made the same accusations about the Lumad schools during a press conference immediately after his second State of the Nation Address (SONA) on 24 July 2017, saying that the schools were teaching Lumad children “subversion, communism, everything” and “to rebel against the government.”
Duterte’s claims against Lumad schools, however, were denied by the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), calling them “a big lie, deceitful and provokes further attacks against the Lumad peoples.” The NDFP is an umbrella organization that counts the CPP and the NPA among its members.
The SOS Network also refuted Duterte’s claims, saying that the Lumad schools have the necessary government permits to operate and that the 221 schools that serve over 8000 Indigenous children have long been “partners of the Department of Education’s Indigenous People’s Education Program (IPED) that aims to combat illiteracy in the Indigenous communities.”
Even the DepEd has belied Duterte’s statement, with a spokesperson stating that “there are no existing Lumad schools that are illegally operating” and that all Lumad schools were duly registered.
Even more alarming are Duterte’s threats to bomb Lumad schools and communities. The militarization of Lumad communities has been going on for decades, mostly covertly and has been denied by the government and by military officials while government forces have largely escaped punishment for abuses. Duterte’s pronouncement, however, is the first time a Philippine president publicly threatened to bomb Lumad schools and communities.
“Leave. I’m telling those in the Lumad schools now, get out. I’ll bomb you. I’ll include your structures,” announced Duterte in Filipino during a press conference.
The statement has caused outrage among human rights activists and other cause-oriented groups in the country and elsewhere, with advocacy group Human Rights Watch declaring that “by calling for an attack on schools, Duterte is directing the military to commit war crimes. International humanitarian law – the laws of war – prohibits attacks on schools and other civilian structures unless they are being used for military purposes. Deliberately attacking civilians, including students and teachers, is also a war crime.”
“If the schools were destroyed, so is our future,” lamented Jerome Succor Aba, spokesperson of Sandugo, a nationwide alliance of national minorities, adding that Duterte’s statement means that he wants “to destroy our race.”
SOS Network strongly condemned Duterte, saying that his declaration will be considered as “a marching order by his lapdogs in the AFP, continuing and intensifying attacks on Lumad schools, communities and projects.”
Resistance
During Duterte’s second SONA, almost 200 Lumad, including some 50 students of ALCADEV and other Lumad schools, joined the protest march to condemn the continued militarization of Indigenous communities and attacks on Lumad schools.
“We came here to demand for justice,” said Dulphing Ogan, secretary-general of the Mindanao-wide Lumad alliance Kalumaran.
“It looks like he has forgotten his promise to help us. We are here to remind him,” Ogan added.
It seems Duterte has indeed forgotten, given his pronouncement regarding the bombing of Lumad schools. In fact, the government has canceled peace negotiations with the NDFP, which would have recognized the right to self determination of Indigenous Peoples as well as their right to establish their own schools.
On 31 August 2017, 2600 people from national minority groups arrived in Manila in what has become a yearly event dubbed the Lakbayan. This year’s activities focused on demands that the government lift martial law that was declared in Mindanao on 23 May. Duterte made the declaration after the terrorist group Dawlah Islamiyah led by the Maute brothers launched an attack on the Moro-dominated Islamic city of Marawi in Mindanao.
The declaration, however, has been met with resistance by Indigenous and human rights groups.
A member of Katribu calls for an end to miliatrization and attacks on their schools and scommunittie.s (Photo by Mark Ambay III/Lente)
“Martial law will just give the military and the paramilitary groups under them a stronger license to pillage Indigenous and Moro communities,” said Piya Malayao of Katribu, an alliance of Indigenous Peoples groups in the Philippines.
Even the children who study in Lumad schools are against the declaration.
“It’s not the NPA or the Maute group that’s getting bombed, it’s civilians,” said Dimlester Dumanglay, who is 13 and one of the Indigenous children studying in a Lumad school, in an interview with a major Philippine daily. He was referring to the bombings in Marawi that the government has launched in order to flush the Maute fighters out of the city.
Dumanglay added that red-tagging of Lumad schools has gotten worse under Duterte, especially after martial law was declared.
“They filed complaints against our teachers, accused them of trafficking and child abuse. Those aren’t true. Those complaints shouldn’t be continued, because our teachers only teach us the truth, how to read, write, and count,” he lamented.
Though a government spokesperson has since clarified Duterte’s statement regarding bombing Lumad schools, and the military has stated that it would not bomb the schools, Duterte himself has remained silent on the issue and has not retracted his statement.
With martial law still in effect in Mindanao, Michael Fay, a community educator from CLANS, predicts that things will get worse and that with the continuation of martial law “there will be more school closures.”
Aba believes that the possible closure of more Lumad schools can and will have negative effects on the Lumad and other national minorities and that the future of their people is on the line. Duterte’s policies and the human rights violations being experienced by the Lumad and other national minorities is adding fuel to the oppression that the Lumad have experienced for years.
And with that, Aba believes there is only one course the Lumad peoples will take.
“We will be left with no choice but to resist.”
Indigenous children protest against continued attacks on Lumad schools during President Rodrigo Duterte’s Second State of the Nation Address. (Photo by Anjo Bacarisas/Lente)
Mula sa makulay na tribu ng Kagan na matatagpuan sa Tagum, Davao del Norte si Jierah Sulayman. Si Jierah Sulayman ay bahagi ng isang Medical Team ng Southern Mindanao Region (SMR), District 2 at kabilang din sa organisasyong Pagsambok ng Morong Manlulupa at Mangingisda sa Banakon o PAMOMMABA.
Mahigit kumulang 290 ektaryang lupain ang kinakamkam ng ilang mga kapitalista mula sa Tribu ng Kagan. Naroon ang balak nilang pagpapatayo ng mga Resorts at mga plantasyon na malinaw na nagpapakita ng ebidensiyang pang-aagaw ng lupain ng mga Moro, at katulad ng ibang kwento ng mga Lakbayani ay kakambal ng mga ganitong istorya ang militarisasyon. Sa mga ganitong aktibidad ng mga kapitalista ay talagang maituturing na palasak ang salitang ‘militarisasyon’. Upang mabigyang daan ang mga naglalalakihang proyektong ito ng mga kapitalista sa malalawak na lupain sa Tagum ay pwersahang pinaaalis ng mga militar ang mga tao sa komunidad, mayroon pang mga senaryong sinusunog ng mga berdugong militar na ito ang mga kubo’t ilang mga kabahayang kanilang pinaglalagian.
Bukod pa sa walang habas na pangangamkam sa lupang nagbibigay buhay sa kanila ay lantaran din ang diskriminasyong kanilang natatanggap, kung saan ay nababansagan ang mga kakabaihan ng ‘terorista’ lalo na kapag ang kasuotan nila’y kulay itim, isang senaryong nagpapakita ng ‘Islamophobia’.
At sa gitna ng kanilang paglalakbay papunta rito sa kalunsuran upang makiisa sa Lakbayan ay hinarang sila sa Nasipit Port sa Butuan City upang hingan ng I.D. ang bawat isa sa kanila na tumagal ng humigit kumulang tatlong oras na paghihintay. Nakapagdulot ito ng perwisyo sa kanila na nagresulta sa hindi pagtuloy ng iba nilang mga kasamahan sa kadahilanang walang ma-ipakitang I.D. Ngunit hindi sa ganitong mga dahilan ang hahadlang sa kanila upang makibahagi sa Lakbayan ng Moro at Pambansang Minorya 2017.
Narito ang Moro at katutubong mamamayan upang iparating sa Metro Manila, ang sentro ng pampulitikang kapangyarihan ng Pilipinas, ang kalagayan ng mga katutubo sa iba’t ibang bahagi ng bansa. Dumating sa lungsod ng Maynila noong Agosto 31 ang mahigit 2,000 Bangsamoro at pambansang minorya para sa halos isang buwang kampanya upang ilantad at labanan ang mga pasistang atake ng administrasyong Duterte sa mamamayan. Partikular na kalagayan ng mamamayang Moro tulad ni Jierah ang patuloy na airstrikes sa Marawi City na nagdulot ng malawakang paglikas ng mga residente, kawalan ng kanilang hanapbuhay, pagkakaroon ng iba’t ibang sakit, at kamatayan.
Kahit buong kumot na lungkot at pangamba ang bumabalot kay Jierah nang iwanan niya sa Davao ang kanyang apat na anak upang ipanawagan na maibalik at tuluyang makuha ang kanilang lupang ninuno ay patuloy pa rin ang kaniyang pakikiisa sa pakikibaka para sa kanilang karapatan. At kahit tuluyan na ngang na-reject si Ka Paeng Mariano ay hindi parin dito natatapos ang kanilang paglaban, at hinding-hindi sila mawawalan ng pag-asang muling maibabalik ang kanilang lupa. Patuloy parin ang pagtanaw nila sa mga umagang sisikat ang araw na mapagtatagumpayan nilang mapasakamay muli ang kanilang lupang ninuno.
Isa si Jierah Sulayman sa mga Moro at katutubo na tumungo sa Kamaynilaan para isulong ang kagyat na interes, usapin at karapatan ng mga pambansang minorya. Kuha ni Janine Perillo.
Si Ate Lourdes Omar ay isang Moro na galing sa Zamboanga City na sumama sa Lakbayan ng Pambansang Minorya kasama ang kanyang anak. Nakatigil sila sa UP Diliman para sa Pambansang Lakbayan upang ipanawagan ang kanilang karapatan sa lupa at ang pagpapatigil ng Batas Militar sa Mindanao. Nais niyang ipaabot sa mas marami na ang mga Moro ay hindi masasamang tao o terorista na madalas na ibinibintang sa kanila.
Kabilang si Ate Lourdes sa mahigit 2,500 Moro at katutubo na nagmula sa Luzon, Visayas at Mindanao na naglakbay papuntang Maynila mula Agosto 31 at tatagal hanggang September 21.
Laging mapapansin si Ate Lourdes na nakapuwesto sa pasukan sa puwesto ng mga Moro. Madalas siyang sumisilip at ngumingiti sa bawat pumapasok na kabataang nais makapag-integrate sa mga Moro. Tinanong ko siya kung bakit parang ang saya saya niya tuwing may mga estudyanteng pumapasok. Agad naman sumagot si Ate Lourdes sa akin:
“’Pag may bumibisita sa aming mga estudyante, naaalala ko ang anak ko at naiisip ko nandito na ang anak ko.”
‘Di ko agad maisip bakit nakikita ni Ate Lourdes ang anak niya sa bawat kabataang nakikita. Inalam ko kung nasaan ang anak niya. Sinabi niyang apat na taon na itong nakakulong sa Camp Bagong Diwa sa Taguig dahil sa maling pagbibintang na kabilang ito sa Moro National Liberation Front o MNLF na nasangkot sa tinaguriang “Zamboanga siege” noong 2013, panahon ng pagkapangulo ni Noynoy Aquino.
Kasagsagan ng putukan at barilan sa kanilang tinitirahan sa Sta. Catalina, Zamboanga City ay may tumawag sa kanya at nagtanong tungkol sa kanyang anak na si Aiza Omar at pinapapunta siya sa police station. Agad naman siyang pumunta sa barangay hall para magpasama sa police station para makita niya ang kanyang anak. Pero inabisuhan siya ng barangay captain na huwag lumabas sa kanilang lugar dahil delikado pa noong mga panahong iyon.
Simula noon, hindi niya akalaing hindi niya na makikita ng ilan taon ang anak niya. Hindi niya akalain na ang kanyang anak na babae ay mapapagkamalan na isang MNLF.
Mga larawan ni Aiza, anak ni ate Lourdes na hinuli at kinulong na napagkamalang MNLF apat na taon ang nakakaraan. Kuha ni KJ Dumapit.
“May ganito bang MNLF? Labing-siyam na taong gulang pa lang ang anak ko ‘nung hinuli nila. Ang tanging pangarap lamang niya ay iyong mabigyan kami ng magandang buhay, kaya siya nagtratrabaho malapit sa aming barangay,” sinabi ni Ate Lourdes habang pinapakita ang larawan ng anak niya.
(Ang isang anak niya ay nakapagtapos ng Education, major in English, pero ‘di nakapagtrabaho, sabi ni Ate Lourdes, dahil sa pagiging Muslim.)
Tinanong ko si Ate Lourdes kung pupunta siya sa Camp Bagong Diwa para bisitahin ang kanyang anak. Malapit na lang sa UP Diliman ang Bicutan, kaysa naman sa Zamboanga bago siya makapunta rito.
Ang tanging sagot niya sakin ay “Hindi maaari, dahil ang tanging tingin nila sa akin ay isang terorista dahil sa pagiging Moro ko.”
Hindi pa man malakasan ni Ate Lourdes ang kanyang loob na bisitahin ang kanyang anak, sinabi niyang sa Lakbayan naman niya naramdaman na tanggap siya at masaya siyang nakikita ng mga kasama at ng mga bumibisita, kaiba sa kadalasang nararanasang iniiwasan sila at hindi kinakausap dahil sa kanilang kasuotan.
Minsan mahirap maging daulyan ng mga kwento ng mga personal at kolektibong kaapihan ng mga kababayan natin. Ang nakakapagkalma na lang sa kalooban ay ang kapasyahan nilang manindigan. Lalo’t mula nang nakausap ko si Ate Lourdes, hindi ko mapigilang hilingin, minsan nakakatulugan kong isipin na sana sa isang pambihirang pagkakataon na nakarating si Ate Lourdes sa Maynila ay mabigyan siya ng pagkakataong makita ang kanyang anak.
Hawak ni Ate Lourdes ang larawan ng kanyang anak na si Aiza. Kuha ni KJ Dumapit.
Mula sa Gitnang Luzon buong loob na sumama sa Lakbayan 2017 si Diskon Serrano upang maihatid ang hinaing mula sa kanayunan tungo sa kalunsuran.
Si Diskon Serrano o Tatay Miron ay nagmula sa Tribu ng Maganchie. Matagal nang walang asawa si Tatay Miron, nagkaroon na rin ng kanya-kanyang pamilya ang kanyang mga anak. Sa ngayon dalawa na lamang sila ng kanyang isa pang anak na magkasama sa isang tahanan. Pareho silang sumama sa Lakbayan, upang tutulan ang mga nakaambang proyekto na maaaring magbunga nang pagkasira ng kanilang mga tahanan at hanap-buhay.
Nais nilang tutulan ang malawakang proyekto ng pamahalaan. Ito ang New Clark City na may tinatayang lawak na 9,500 hektarya o halos triple ng laki sa Lungsod ng Maynila. Kabilang ito sa plano ng administrasyon na, “Build, Build, Build”.
Nilalayon nitong bumuo ng panibagong Lungsod sa rehiyon nila, upang masolusyunan daw ang pagsikip ng Maynila. Isang mabulaklak na kataga pa ang iniwan hinggil dito, “First environmental friendly city in the country”.
Sa ngayon walang konkretong plano ang pamahalaan para sa katulad ni Tatay Miron. Noong taong 2015 bago simulan ang proyekto sinabing magkakaroon daw ng Aeta Village at doon patitirahin sila kasama ng iba pang tribu, na magiging sentro naman ng turismo. Kumbaga, gagamitin sila upang maipakita sa mga turista at mapagkakitaan.
Dahil nga sa may proyektong pinaplano kakambal na nito ang militarisasyon. Parang barikadang nakatayo ang mga militar sa kanilang lugar upang bantayan ang mga nais kumalaban sa plano ng gobyerno.
Kung gaano kalaki ang proyekto ganoon din kalaki ang kabalintunaang inihahayag nito. Paanong matatawag na kaibigan ito ng kalikasan kung pinaplano nitong patagin ang mga nagtataasang bundok. Paanong sa ikabubuti ito ng mamamayan kung ang mga naninirahan na doon ay paalisin at walang malilipatan?
“Upang maparating sa pamahalaan ang mga suliraning dinaranas namin. Sapagkat nandito ang sentro.”
Ito ang sinabing dahilan ni Tatay Andres Waylan nang tanungin siya kung bakit siya sumama sa taunang Lakbayan ng mga Pambansang Minorya. Mula si Tatay Andres, o mas kilala sa kanila bilang Otsi, sa Tribung Igorot sa Kordilyera. Dagdag pa niya tinatawag daw silang “Igorot” dahil ang ibig sabihin ng “I” ay “taga” at ang “Gorot” ay mula sa salitang “Golot” o “bundok”, mga taga-bundok.
Higit na mas mahirap ang suliraning kinahaharap ng tribu ni Tatay Otsi sa ngayon. Kung noon ang mga numero unong kalaban nila ay ang mga dambuhalang kapitalista, ngayon ay ang mismong gobyerno na.
Tinatayang 1.8 milyong hektarya ang lawak ng buong Kordilyera. Aabot sa 600,000 hektarya rito ay nais ilaaan sa mga proyektong maaaring pagkakitaan.
Kabi-kabila ang mga proyektong nais kamkamin sa kanilang lugar. Una na riyan ang mga minahan na ayon kay Tatay Otsi ay nandadambong ng lupain sa Kordilyera.
Pangalawa, ang mga hydropower projects na nais itayo sa mga ilog nila. Sa ngayon ay nasa limang dam na raw ang nakatayo sa kanila, at may tinatayang 108 pang dam ang nais pang gawin.
Nariyan din ang mga geothermal projects, kung saan walo sa mga ito ay awarded na. Ang bawat isang geothermal project ay sumasakop ng 25,000 hektarya na maaaring sumakop na lupang ninuno ng isang tribu.
Dahil nga sa kaliwa’t-kanang mga plano ng mga malalaking kapitalista, maging ng gobyerno na rin, hindi nakagugulat na nariyan na naman ang isyu ng militarisasyon. Isa sa numero unong nalalabag na batas ng militar ay ang kanilang pagkakampo sa mismong komunidad. Sumunod na diyan ang kanilang pang-aabuso. Nagkakaroon pa lalo nang sanga-sangang problema ang pagsulpot ng mga sundalo sa kanilang lugar.
Kaya buong pagpapasyang dumayo si Tatay Otsi kasama ang iba pang taga-Kordilyera upang ipanawagan ang mga suliraning hindi nakakaabot sa kalunsuran. Sila na mismo ang naghahatid ng kuwento rito, upang sila’y mapakinggan at matulungan.
Isa si Jorge Dione, o Tatay Jorge sa aming pag-uusap, sa mga napapagsasamantalahan ng mga naglalakihang kompanya ng tabako sa Ilocos Sur. Daing niya, labis labis ang pangbabarat sa kanila ng mga kompanya sa presyo ng kanilang mga tanim na tabako. Pababa nang pababa ang presyong inihahapag ng mga negosyante sa mga magsasaka at nakadepende pa ito sa klase ng tanim nila mula Class A-D.
Kung dati ang isang kilong tabako ay nagkakahalaga ng 98 piso, sa kasalukuyan ay nasa 93 piso na lang at tuloy-tuloy pang bumababa. Napipilitan ang mga magsasaka katulad nina Tatay Jorge na ibenta sa ganoong halaga ang kanilang mga pananim sapagkat kung hindi nila ito ibebenta sa mga kompanya ng tabako ay wala nang bibili sa kanila nito.
Lalong nalulugmok sa kahirapan ang mga magsasakang katulad ni Tatay Jorge. Wala na silang kinikita sa kanilang mga pananim. Kung mayroon man ay hindi ito sapat para sa kanilang pang araw-araw.
Hindi lamang ang mababang presyo ng pananim ang dinadaing ni Tatay Jorge kundi pati na ang pagtigil ng militarisasyon sa kanilang lugar.
“Marami ang mga pandarahas sa amin. ‘Yung mga kapitbahay ko, marami na sa kanila ang dinukot. Pinaparatangan sila na myembro ng New People’s Army pero sa totoo lang hindi,” wika ni Tatay Jorge.
Natutunan ni Tatay Jorge na nararanasan ng iba pang pambansang minorya sa buong bansa ang mga nararanasan ng mga magsasaka sa hilagang rehiyon. Kasama na rito ang militarisasyon, kahirapan, kawalan ng kaunlaran, at iba pa.
“Kaya ako sumali rito sa Lakbayan baka sakali na ‘pag marami kami ay pakikinggan kami ng gobyerno. Sa totoo lang ramdam naman ng bawat isa na pahirap na nang pahirap na ang buhay ngayon. Naniniwala ako na ramdam ito ng bawat isa kaya naman dapat igiit ang ating mga karapatan,” ani Tatay Jorge.
“Na-trauma silang mga kapatid ko nung nagge-gera na. [Sabi nila], ‘Umalis na tayo dito kasi baka mamatay na tayo dito.’ Tapos nagsi-iyakan na silang lahat. Pati mama ko umiyak. Umiyak, umiyak, umiyak sila. Kaya ayun po ang hindi ko matiis, na nakikita silang umiiyak, ” sabi ni Mohammad Salih, 22, habang inaalala ang araw na lumikas sila ng kanyang pamilya sa Marawi sa gitna ng gera.
Bago ang krisis sa Marawi, magsisimula na sana si Mohammad sa trabaho niya sa isang non-profit corporation. Pinangarap niyang mag-aral ulit at sundan ang yapak ng mga magulang niyang parehong ustad, terminong Arabic na ang ibig sabihin ay nirerespetong guro o propesor. Nagtuturo ang mga magulang niya sa isang madrasah, institusyong nagtuturo ng kulturang Muslim at Islamic studies.
Wasak na kung maituturing ang kalakhan sa mga kabahayan sa Marawi dahil sa mga pagbobombang nagaganap doon. Unti-unti na ring naglalaho ang mga maliit nilang kabuhayan. Maski ang pagsasaka’y hindi na nila maatupag bunga ng tensyong dulot ng sagupaang ito na kalauna’y nagresulta naman sa kawalan ng makakain ng mga pamilya sa komunidad.
Ayon pa sa mga salaysay ni Mohammad, sa tatlong buwang kaguluhan ay palaging laman ng kanilang tiyan ang mga pagkaing mula sa relief goods. Ngunit hindi pa rin nakasasapat ang palagian nilang pagkain ng mga delata at iba pang mga ‘instant foods’, dahilan upang sila’y magbakwit.
“Minsan hindi nagkakasya, minsan nalilipasan ng gutom. Wala pong pambili ng pagkain kasi walang trabaho. Walang mapagkunan ng pera kasi bakwit. Minsan hindi na nakakakain ‘pag naubos na yung pinamigay na relief goods. Kasi po magbibigay sila hindi linggo-linggo at hindi rin araw-araw. Hindi fixed kung kailan.”
Sa gitna ng kanyang pagkukuwento’y mapapansing may halong nginig at minsanang pagka-utal ang mga salitang lumalabas sa bibig ni Mohammad nang ikinukwento niya ang ganitong mga tagpong dinulot sa kanila ng Martial Law.
“Mahirap sa amin na kaming mga Muslim ay istrikto sa lalaki at babae, na hindi sila pwedeng magsama o nakikita ang isa’t isa. Sabog-sabog na sa evacuation. Wala nang privacy ‘yung mga babae dahil nandiyan ‘yung mga lalaki. Nahihirapan kami as a Muslim. Katulad ng pagsasamba na dapat limang beses kada araw. Hindi namin ma-accomplish kasi siksikan na po.”
Nagbakwit ang pamilya ni Mohammad sa Saguiran, Lanao del Norte, bago sila lumipat sa bahay ng kamag-anak sa Iligan City.
Naniniwala si Mohammad na pakana ng imperyalismong Estados Unidos at gobyerno ni Duterte ang krisis sa Marawi.
“Talagang pinapatagal nalang nila ang bakbakan doon sa Marawi para tuluyan na nila ‘tong makuha” sabi ni Mohammad, na naniniwalang ginagamit ang “war on terror” ng US upang mapalakas ang kontrol nito sa Marawi at buong Mindanao.
Hindi na halos nakahihinga ang Marawi mula sa pinsalang natamo nito, ngunit buhay pa rin ang pag-asa kay Mohammad na makauwi sa Marawi’t makapagsimulang muli.
Kahit walang kasiguraduhan ang kanilang pagbabalik ay hindi siya titigil sa pag-asam at sa pagsigaw ng kanilang hinaing: ang pagpapatigil sa pagbobomba sa Marawi, ang pagtigil ng mga airstrikes, at kagyat na tulong at plano para sa kanilang mga bakwit at para mismo sa Marawi.
“Noong 1996, binuo ‘yung aming organisasyon ng mga Tumandok sa 22 barangay sa Bayan ng Tapas. Nagkaisa kaming lumaban kahit anong hamon ng gobyerno sa amin. Nagkaisa kaming lumaban sa mga militarisasyon na umabot sa aming barangay,” ayon kay Marivic Aguirre, ang kinatawan ng Tumandok mula sa ikalawang distrito ng Panay.
Bumiyahe ang pambansang minorya mula sa iba’t ibang bahagi ng bansa para makarating sa Manila para sa Lakbayan. Isa sa layunin ng kanilang pagsasama-sama ay para ipaalam sa mamamayan sa Kamynilaan ang kanilang dinaranasa na pang-aapi sa militarisasyon sa kanilang mga komunidad na bunsod naman ng mga “proyektong pangkaunlaran” na umaagaw sa kanilang lupang ninuno.
Sa mga minoryang ito, isa sa mga nakilahok ang mga katutubong mula sa Isla ng Panay na tinatawag na Tumandok.
Ang pangunahing kabuhayan ng Tumandok ay ang kaingin, isa itong sistema ng pagtanggal at pagsunog ng mga halaman para magamit ang abo nito bilang pataba ng lupa. Ang kanilang mga produkto ay balinghoy, mani, mais, luya, at saging.
“Sa Bayan ng Tapas, ang buong population ng Tumandok ay mahigit 11,000 sa 22 barangays. Sa Calinog, 11,000 siguro. ‘Yung 11,000 na ‘yan ay sa malawak na lupa. Ang kalawakan ng lupa ay nasa 33,310 hectares. Pero noong 1967, naproklama ni Diosdado Macapagal na military reservation na ‘yan. Hindi pa namin nalutas ang aming problema sa army reservation, ‘yung lupa namin napasukan na naman. Sabi ng gobernor at mayor namin sa Roxas City, priority ‘yung Panay kasi pinopondohan ng China at Japan,” sabi ni Aguirre.
Maliban sa isyu ng pag-aagaw ng lupa, ang Department of Environment at Natural Resources (DENR) and National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) ay walang naiambag na tulong, pahayag ni Aguirre.
“Nagsimula umabot ‘yung opisina ng NCIP sa bayan ng Tapas, siguro nung 2002. Doon nagsimula ang pagkahati-hati naming mga katutubo, kasi sinasabi ng NCIP sa iba-ibang katutubo na para sila sa karapatan ng katutubo. Hanggang sa 2011, ‘yung mga elders na binoboto ng mga katutubo sa kanilang mga komunidad ay hindi na pinakinggan ng NCIP. NCIP rin ang pumipili ng elders sa bawat komunidad. Ang pinipili ng mga katutubo ay hindi kinikilala,” sabi ni Aguirre.
Noong 2013, gumawa ng sariling organisasyon ang NCIP na tinatawag na Tapas People’s Organization (TPO). Sumunod ang DENR at National Irrigation Administration (NIA) sa NCIP sa pagpadaloy ng mga programa sa pormasyong ito.
“Dahil may pera na binibigay ang NCIP at DENR sa katutubo, lahat ng kanilang gusto, ay tuloy-tuloy pumapasok sa komunidad. Sabi nila, magtanim na kayo ng puno. ‘Yung itanim ninyo para na din sa inyo. ‘Yung mga barangay captain at elders, hindi na nila iniinvolve ‘yung mga tao sa komunidad. Ang masakit ngayon ay nag-away na ang mga katutubo,” sabi ni Aguirre.
Larawan mula sa blog ni Karlo Mongaya, Abril 3, 2013.
“Hindi namin pinabayaan ‘yun. Kinausap namin ang DENR. Sabi namin, kung totoo ang sinasabi niyo na ang pinatanim ninyong puno sa bawat komunidad ng katutubo, gusto namin ay pirmahan niyo ‘yung agreement kung para sa katutubo ang pinatanim ninyo. Nung nalaman ng mga katutubo na ayaw pirmahan ng DENR, sabi ng DENR na gobyerno ang may-ari niyan kasi binabayaran kayo. Doon namulat ang mga katutubo. Namulat na sila, pero kahit ‘yun ang nangyari, patuloy naming inoorganisa ang mga katutubo na kahit na natanim na ‘yan, dapat labanan. Kung merong protesta, magdadialogue kami sa Mayor at kahit sa rally pinaglalaban,” dagdag ni Aguirre.
Kuwento ni Aguirre, sobra-sobrang pang-aabuso mula sa militar ang nararanasan ng mga katutubo.
Sabi niya, Noon pa man sa mga ninuno namin, sa mga magulang namin, pinapatay. Hiniwalay ‘yung mga katawan. Pinagbenta ‘yung katawan sa iba-ibang komunidad. ‘Yun ang ginawa ng military.”
Maliban sa problemang kaugnay sa DENR, NCIP, NIA, at militarisasyon, meron din ang pinaplanong konstruksyon ng kulungan malapit sa kanilang komunidad.
“Sabi ng militar, pag natayo na ‘yan at ‘pag maayos na, lahat ng pugante diyan dadalhin sa penal colony na ‘yan para diyan magtrabaho sa lupa na ibinigay ni Diosdado Macapagal sa military. ‘Yung lupa ng aming mga ninuno. Siguro kami ‘yung ikukulong diyan ‘pag pinaglaban namin ang aming karapatan. Pero sa ngayon, inaayos na nila ang kalsada galing sa Bayan ng Tapas papunta doon kung saan itatayo ‘yung kulungan,” sabi ni Aguirre.
Pahayag ni Aguirre, lahat ng ito ay nagpapatibay sa kanilang dahilan kung bakit nila mas kailangan ipaglaban ang kanilang karapatan.
“Kaya kami pumunta dito sa Lakbayan, kasi gusto namin iparating ‘yung mga isyu namin dito. Umaasa pa rin kami. Nasa isip namin na hindi lang kami ‘yung nakikipaglaban sa aming karapatan,” sabi ni Aguirre.
Inamin niyang nananatili siyang umaasa na mababalik ng kanilang lupang ninuno.
“Mahalaga para sa amin ang lupa kasi kung wala kaming lupa, wala kaming buhay. Kahit anong sabi ng gobyerno, ‘di kami matatakot kalabanin ‘yun. ‘Yun [lupa] ang buhay namin,” dagdag ni Aguirre.
Sumali ng tatlong beses ang Tumandok sa Lakbayan. Ang kanilang isyu ay hindi nagbago simula noong una silang sumali. Gayunman, mayroon namang progreso.
Ayon kay Aguirre, hindi natuloy ang pagtayo ng dam sa Calinog, Iloilo, kung saan naninirahan ang ibang Tumandok, dahil sa pagtutol ng mga katutubo sa proyektong ito.
Ayon kay Remia Castor, isang Tumandok galing Iloilo, una nilang narinig ang proyekto noong 2011.
“Nung 2011 naririnig namin na may malaking project na ipapatayo sa Iloilo, sa kabukiran ng Calinog. ‘Yung kabukiran ng Calinog, sa barangay Alibunan, Agcalaga, Toyungan, Masaroy, tsaka Garangan. Nung 2013 sila nag-FPIC [Free, Prior and Informed Consent] pero 2011 naipasa nila sa Korea na naka-umpisa na sila ng FPIC. Pero ang totoo, 2013 sila nagkonsulta sa mga elders namin. Tsaka ‘yung mga nakonsulta nila ‘yung mga elders na inappoint ng NCIP.”
Photo from greedypeg.org
Ang FPIC ay karapatan ng mga katutubo na payagan o tutulan ang mga proyekto na pumasok sa kanilang teritoryo, na maaaring makaapekto sa kanilang pamumuhay. Pero naging instrumento ang FPIC para maagaw at maubos ang mga lupang ninuno–isang saligang pagbabaliktad sa pagkilala ng lupang ninuno sa batas–sa iba’t ibang bahagi ng bansa.
Sabi ni Castor karamihan sa mga matatanda ay hindi nakapagtapos ng pag-aaral kaya pumayag ang iba na palitan ang kanilang lupa para sa sardinas o karne dahil akala nila’y magkatumbas ang kanilang halaga.
“Kaya ‘yung mga pumapasok na korporasyon sa amin, ang inuuna nila ang mga matatanda. Tradisyon kasi doon na ‘yung mga matatanda ang humahawak ng tungkulin sa aming barangay o komunidad. ‘Yung aming elders naman, pumayag sila doon pero ‘di pa naman sila pumirma. Bale, unang meeting nila pinaalam nila sa mga elders. Tapos sa susunod na session nila, sinama-sama na nila ‘yung mga barangay official na madadamay sa ipapatayong project,” sabi ni Castor.
“Nagsama-sama ang 16 na barangay na madadamay kung itatayo ang Jalaur Dam. ‘Yung elders pumayag na. Pumirma sila dahil madaming propaganda na para rin daw sa katutubo. Para raw ito makaahon sa kahirapan ang mga katutubo sa Panay at mabigyan ng edukasyon ‘yung mga anak namin,” kuwento ni Castor.
“Kahit pirmado na ng elders namin, lumalaban pa din kami dahil nga may kasabihan doon sa amin kapag hindi pa 100% ang nakapirma, pwede pa kaming lumaban. Kahit isang tao hindi pa nakapirma, ‘di matutuloy ‘yan [dam]. Kaya tuloy ang laban namin,” dagdag niya.
Nagtayo sila ng organisasyon at nagkampanya para sa pagpatigil sa konstruksyon ng dam.
“Sa unang beses na nag-rally kami, ‘yun yung sa dam. Tapos ‘yung NGP [National Greening Program], sabay-sabay sila pumasok sa barangay pero ‘di namin pinansin ‘yung NGP dahil opisyal ako ng NGP. Nung huli na, nung unti-unti kong naiintindihan na inaagaw na pala ‘yung lupa ng mga katutubo pati ‘yung lupa namin mismo. Nagpasa ako ng resignation letter na hanggang ngayon hindi pinipirmahan na resign na ako. Pipirmahan man nila o hindi, ‘di na ako bumabalik diyan.” alaala ni Castor.
Sa kasalukuyan, ang pondo para sa Jalaur Dam ay suspendido. Ayon kay Castor, ang namamahala ng pondo ay nasa South Korea.
3-D model ng Jalaur Dam project. Larawan mula sa NIA Western Visayas.
“Ang lugar na papatayuan ng Jalaur Dam at ng Panay Dam ay malaking bundok ‘yung pagitan nila. Pagtinayo ‘yung dalawang dam na iyon,
‘yung bundok sa gitna nila ay bubutasan para ‘yung ibang tubig na galing sa Panay Dam ay isasama sa Jalaur Dam. Lalakas ang daloy ng tubig kasi kukuha siya ng power ng kuryente papuntang City ng Iloilo,” sabi ni Castor.
“Mahalaga sa aming mga Tumandok ang ilog, kasi ang ilog na iyon ay diyan nakatira ang iba-ibang uri ng isda. May mga isdang hindi kilala sa Manila. Kung meron ng dam diyan, mawawala na ‘yung mga isdang iyon. Pupunta na siya sa karagatan. Hindi naman ‘yun mabubuhay sa karagatan. Mula noon at tsaka ngayon, pupunta lang kami sa ilog para makakuha ng isda o ibon kasi nga wala kaming pambili. Pero ‘pag meron ng dam, hindi na ‘yun mangyayari dahil malalim na ang tubig at di na kami makakapunta doon,” dagdag niya.
Pati ang mga kabataang Tumandok ay nakikibahagi sa pagprotesta. Kabilang sa kanila si Gabrila Danid, 21-taong gulang na Tumandok Youth chairperson. Sabi ni Danid, importante ang papel ng kabataan sa pagtutol.
“Kung ano ang pinaglalaban ng mga matatanda, ‘yun na din po ang mga pinaglalaban namin kasi kami na ang susunod na henersayon. Amin itong susundan at ipapaalam pa namin sa susunod na henerasyon. Bilang kabataan ng Tumandok, kami din po ay sumasama sa mga aktibidad na ginagawa, tulad ng pagdadayalog sa mga ahensya ng gobyerno. At tsaka ‘yung mga picket rally, nasa unahan din kami lagi na mahigpit na tumututol sa kanilang mga proyekto na pinapatupad ng ating gobyerno sa ating bayan lalo na sa komunidad naming Tumandok,” sabi ni Danid.
Madalas nabibintangan ang kabataan ng Tumandok na nakikilahok o sumusuporta sa gawain ng mga New People’s Army (NPA).
“Sa kasalukuyan, nararanasan ng katutubong Tumandok ‘yung militarisasyon. Pinagbibintangan silang NPA at recruiter ng NPA. Sa katunayan nga, kami ay sinabihan ng militar na kami ay kapalit kasi ang mga matanda ay aalis na daw. Nung nakaraang buwan, may putukang naganap sa pagitan ng militar at NPA. Sa panig ng militar, meron po silang armas at sinabi ng militar na kami daw ang nagpapalit sa armas ng NPA,” sabi ni Danid.
Umaasa sila Aguirre, Castor, at Danid na maaalis ang miltarisasyon at ang panghihimasok ng DENR, NIA, at NCIP sa kanilang mga gawain.
Pangarap ni Danid ang mas maliwanag na kinabukasan para sa mga Tumandok, kaya para sa kanya, hindi sila titigil sa pagprotesta hangga’t makinig ang gobyerno sa mga hinaing nila.
“Sa akin, mahalaga ang pakikibaka ng Tumandok, hindi lang ng Tumandok, pero lahat ng katutubong mamamayan sa Pilipinas kasi para din naman ito sa ating pambansang kasarinlan. Ito din po ay para sa sarili nating pagpapasya para sa tunay na kalayaan ng ating bansa,” sabi ni Danid.
“Ang US ang pangunahing terorista sa buong mundo. Ngayon taon lang, nasa pitong bansa na ang binomba niya sa balatkayong ‘war on terror,’” ani Amirah Lidasan, Pangkalahatang Kalihim ng Moro Christian People’s Alliance.
Sa bisperas ng ika-16 na taon mula nang sinimulan ng Estados Unidos (US) ang kanyang “war on terror” sa buong mundo, binalikan ng grupo ng mga Moro na bahagi ng Lakbayan ng Pambansang Minorya ang pinagmulan ng pagkalat ng Islamophobia sa mundo.
Seytembre 11, 2001 ang pagsagasa ng mga eroplano na inulat na na-hijack ng grupong Al-Qaeda sa World Trade Center, kung saan 3,000 ang namatay at naging batayan ng US ng paglulunsad ng ‘war on terror’. Ang Al-Qaeda ay kilalang grupong binuo at pinondohan din ng US.
“Nahati ang mundo sa US global war on terror. Sabi ng US, either you are with us or against us. Ang unang tumugong positibo ay ang dating pangulong si Gloria Arroyo, nagsabing open na open ang inyong war on terror dito sa Pilipinas. Ito ang nagbigay-daan na makapanumbalik ang maraming bilang ng US troops sa aming ligar at maraming lugar sa bansa na na-subject sa kanilang war games o Balikatan exercises,” sabi ni Lidasan.
Inugat ni Lidasan kung saan nagmula ang mga ekstremistang gawi at grupo.
“Isa siyang reaksyon worldwide sa pagpasok ng US at pagkontrol nila sa mga areas ng bansa na mayroong natural resources tulad ng langis at mayamang mineral. Kapag may mga presidente o prime minister sa isang bansa na hindi tumutugon sa US o hindi kumakampi sa US, dito na rin sinumulan ang kanyang ‘regime change’ sa loob ng US war on terror,”
Sinabi ni Lidasan na binaluktot ng US at kaniyang mga kinasangkapan sa ‘regime change’ ang mga turo ng Islam.
“Maraming bilang ng mamamayan, mga pamilya, mga dating sundalo na kanilang inaarmasan at sinasanay ng CIA, US military at sinasabing sila ang nagsasagawa ng ‘regime change’. Hinahayaan ng US ang kanilang mga radikal na ideya. Kalakhan ng mga turo at kahit pa ang berso sa Koran ay binaluktot nila para majustify sa ginagawang ‘regime change’ at pagpapagamit ng mga grupo sa mga bansang gusto nilang palitan ang presidente,” paliwanag ni Lidasan.
Dagdag niya, dinala rin ng US hanggang sa Mindanao ay dinadala ang ganitong gawi.
Kilala ring pinondohan ng US ang Abu Sayyaf at maging ang mga tinugis ng US na ‘terorista’ sa kalupaan ng bansa, gaya ni Zulkipli Bin Hir o Marwan na napatay sa Mamasapano, ay kasapi ng Jemaah Islamiyah na kaanib na grupong Al Qaeda.
At sa kasalukuyan, sabi niya, para magamit muli ng US sa kanyang bentahe ang mga binuo, sinanay at pinondohang ekstremistang grupo, US din mismo ang nagpakana ng Islamophobia sa mundo sa pagpapanggap na nilalabanan niya itong mga grupong siya naman ang nagbuo.
Inusisa naman ng kinatawan ng mga evacuee mula sa Marawi ang presensya ng terorismo kung saan mayroon ding presensya ang US.
“Sa Marawi City, may US military installation at may US troops. Noong niralihan namin iyon noong 2009, sinasabi nila andoon nila para pigilan ang terorismo. Pero bakit ngayon umusbong ang mga grupong terorista sa Lanao del Sur at nakapasok pa sa Marawi,” pag-uusisa ni Aida Ibrahim ng Tindeg Ranao.
Lalo namang nasindihan ang Islamophobia sa Mindanao at sa US dahil sa krisis sa Marawi, ani Lidasan.
“Kapag Muslim ka, ISIS ka. Kapag naka-black ka, ISIS ka. Kasi black daw ang kulay ng ISIS. Kaya hinuhuli raw yung mga naka-black. Ilalapit pa ang mukha mo sa tarp ng larawan ng mga wanted para masabi kung Maute ka o ISIS ka,” pagbabahagi ni Lidasan.
Sistematikong pagpapakalat ng Islamophobia
“Ako po ay taga-Marawi, pero nawasak na ang aming bahay doon. Wala na ang aming mga ari-arian na magsasabing kami ay taga-Marawi bukod sa aming mga sarili at sa aming wika,”pagsisimula ni Dr. Potre Dirampatan-Diampuan, Regional Coordinator ng URI-SEAPac.
Ikinalulungkot din niya ang diskriminasyon na naranasan ng mga Muslim na sapilitang pinalikas sa Iligan City na nabigyan lang ng ilang oras para umalis matapos ang deklarasyon ni Duterte ng Martial Law sa Mindanao.
“Marawi po ang daming ibinubuhay sa Iligan. Ang ganda ganda ng accommodation sa mga Maranao. Pero nang mangyari ito, ang pinakita ng mga taga-Maranao ay kawalan ng respeto, kawalan ng simpatiya, walang pagmamalasakit,” ani Dr. Dirampatan-Diampuan.
Tinalakay ni Dr. Dirampatan-Diampuan ang kahulugan at katangian ng Islamophobia.
“Ang phobia, ito ay takot na hindi maipalawanag o hindi makatwirang takot sa isang bagay, sitwasyon o tao. Ang islamophobia ay matinding hindi pagkagusto o takot sa islam, at ang isa pa ito ay ito ay poot sa mga Muslim, galit sa mga Muslim,” pagtukoy niya.
“Ano ang mga katangian ng Islamophobia? Static, hindi nagbabago, hindi nagmo-modern kasi uncivilized nga raw. Nakikitang hiwalay o iba pa, hindi kasama, iba sila. Nakikitang mas mababa sa standard ng Kanluran. Nakikitang barbaric daw ang Muslim, primitibo, sexist. Marahas, agresibo—sabihin mo na kung ano ang masama at ito ang larawan na binibigay sa isang Muslim. Ito rin ang larawan sa Islamophobia,” pagtatalakay pa ni Dirampatan-Diampuan.
Sinabi rin niya na ang Islamophobia ay maaaring tangan ng isang indibidwal, pero hindi kakalat ng ganon-ganon lang.
“Ginagastusan ito ng milyon milyon ng mga institusyon para kumalat at maraming mapaniwala,” paghinuha niya.
Ang mga aksyon ng mga extremist na Muslim, gaya ng ISIS, Abu Sayyaf at ang Doula Islamiyah ng Maute ay nagiging dahilan ng paglawak ng paniniwala sa Islamophobia. Bukod pa doon, sabi niya, ay ang kamangmangan tungkol sa Islam at sa mga Muslim at ang xenophobia o matindi o hindi makatwirang pagkagusto sa ibang lahi o tao.
Pinakalat naman ang Islamophobia sa pamamagitan ng media, social media at Hollywood.
Inisa-isa rin ni Dr. Dirampatan-Diampuan ang naging epekto ng Islamophobia sa pang-araw araw na buhay ng mga Moro: kawalan ng oportunidad ng trabaho; impresyon na kawalang-karunungan o walang edukasyon; cyberbullying; pisikal na pinsala; batang nagkakaproblema na pumasok sa paaralan kasi binu-bully ng mga kaklase; hindi tinatanggap ang babaeng naka-hijab na mga babae sa unibersidad; tinatawag na terorista; pagpapalagay na lahat ng mga terorista ay Muslim; mas mahigpit at diskriminasyon sa security check sa paaralan, mall at airport; hindi pinaparahan ng taxi, at iba pa.
“Marami pa po kayong kwento na hindi naririnig, lalo sa Marawi. Masakit po talaga ang nangyari sa Marawi,” pagwawakas ni Dr. Dirampatan-Diampuan
aang nais makapag-integrate sa mga Moro. Tinanong ko siya kung bakit parang ang saya saya niya tuwing may mga estudyanteng pumapasok. Agad naman sumagot si Ate Lourdes sa akin:
